On A'-Dependencies in Gitksan

On first examination, the syntax of WH-questions in Gitksan (Interior Tsimshianic) shows a pattern characteristic of the Pacific Northwest Sprachbund: an initial, predicative WHphrase takes an argument DP, which may be simple (in identificational contexts) or complex: in the latter case the DP appea...

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Bibliographic Details
Main Authors: Davis, H, Brown, J
Other Authors: Lyon, J, Dunham, J
Format: Conference Object
Language:unknown
Published: University of British Columbia Working Papers in Linguistics 2011
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Online Access:http://hdl.handle.net/2292/16757
Description
Summary:On first examination, the syntax of WH-questions in Gitksan (Interior Tsimshianic) shows a pattern characteristic of the Pacific Northwest Sprachbund: an initial, predicative WHphrase takes an argument DP, which may be simple (in identificational contexts) or complex: in the latter case the DP appears to be a ‘headless’ (pro-headed) relative clause containing a – possibly long range – A'-dependency. However, closer investigation reveals a rather more complex picture. To start with, Gitksan WH-phrases show up unexpectedly in intermediate positions in long-range dependencies (thus resembling cases of ‘copy-movement’) and – as in English, but not other Pacific NW language families – clause-initially in both headed and ‘headless’ relatives. Furthermore, though focus movement shows an identical morphological profile to WH-questions, and also involves a (possibly long-range) A'- dependency, it crucially does not allow intermediate or clauseinitial WH-phrases. These facts support the following conclusions: first, WH-pronouns undergo overt movement in Gitksan relative clauses to clause-initial position; and second, focusing in Gitksan does not involve relativization (as would be predicted by an ‘indirect movement’ analysis), but direct movement of the focused constituent to clause-initial position. The result is that the surface similarities between Gitksan A'- dependencies and their counterparts in other NW Coast languages conceal different underlying syntactic mechanisms; a result which highlights both the superficiality of shared characteristics in the NW Sprachbund and the more profound structural differences which they conceal.