| Summary: | Proceedings of a conference held in San Francisco, California, October 10-13, 1915, including over twenty speeches on the subject of securing world peace. The stated purpose of its chief sponsor, the American Peace Society, was to "promote permanent international peace through justice; and to advance in every proper way the general use of conciliation, arbitration, judicial methods, and other peaceful means of avoiding and adjusting differences among nations, to the end that right shall rule might in a law-governed world." The APS was instrumental in bringing many peace congresses to The Hague, beginning in 1843; the Pan American Congress (out of which grew the Pan American Union); and to the United States from 1907 to 1915. A coalition with other peace societies was shattered by World War I (which the APS endorsed), and by the postwar debate over the League of Nations. 't I F TH AIVIERICAI‘:T PEACE CONGRESS SAN I'Ix‘ANVl‘H'H. HHS} Kvapm‘r {HI' IIH' ngh‘k I)!» chm‘s ix Hun 6‘ Proceedings OF THE Fifth American Peace Congress HELD IN San Francisco, California -‘ October 10-13, 1915 AS THE SIXTH AND LAST CONGRESS OF THE COMMITTEE or ONE HUNDRED (Appointed by the Federal Council Of The Churches Of Christ in America to have charge of the Religious Activities during the Panama-Pacific International Exposition) AND UNDER THE AUSPICES 0F 4 The Church Peace Union—The American Peace Society ASSISTED BY The American League to Limit Armaments—The American Peace 4- Centenary Committee—The League to Enforce Peace—The ‘ San Francirco Federated Peace Committee for 1915, and The Woman's Peace Party Edited by H. H. BELL AND ROBERT C ROOT Joint Secretaries of the Congress Published by THE CHURCH PEACE UNION 70 Fifth Avenue, New York City Price, ONE DOLLAR CONTENTS Foreword nos . 5 EDWARD L. PARSONS, D.D . 7 Telegraphic Greetings . . . Opening Prayer. 8 What Makes a Nation Great? 9 FREDERICK LYNCH . Internationalism and Democracy. The Patriotism of Peace. MATTHEW S. HUGHES . 17 The Catholic Church and Peace, The Epic of Peace. JAMES A. MACDONALD . 13 EDWARD J. HANNA . 31 MARTIN A. MEYER . 36 War, Business and Insurance. DAVID STARR JORDAN . 43 A League to Enforce Peace. FRANCIS B. LooMIs . 58 The Exposition and World Peace. Landlordism the Cause of War. World Organization. HERBERT S. HOUSTON . 62 WALTER MACARTHUR . 71 HENRY LA FoNTAINE . 85 Why Labor Opposes War. JAMES W. MULLEN . 95 International Misunderstandings. KIYo SUE INL'I . 98 Should There Be Military Training in LOCI-INER Public Schools? LOUIS P. . 106 A Call of Old Glory for Heroism. America’s Danger and Opportunity. EVA MARSHALL SHoNTZ . 117 LUCIA AMEs MEAD . 124 World Unity—The Goal of Human Progress. MIRzA ALI KIILI KHAN . 134 The Neglected ICHIHASHI Aspect of Japanese-American Relations. YAMATO . 143 The New Orient and America‘s Needed New Oriental Policy. SIDNEY L. GITLICK . 148 Constructive \Vork for Peace. CHARLES S. MACEARLAND . 153 Two Successful American Models for Europe’s Imitation. EDWARD BERWICK . 160 The Temperate Americas and the World’s Work. BAILEY WILLIS. .165 The Treaty of Ghent and the Hundred Years of Peace. EDWIN H. HUGHES . 173 Officers and Committees . 177 Delegates and Organizations . 178 Program . 185 FOREWORD I I ‘HE International Peace Congress, held at San Francisco, October 10th and 13th inclusive, 1915, was but one of the more than Nine Hundred Congresses and Conventions held in the Golden Gate City during the Exposition year. Never before in one year and in one place were so many Congresses held The great Exposition, which drew to itself millions of visitors from all parts of the world, afforded special opportunity for this up—to-date Peace Congress, as also for the world-wide publicity of its proceedings. The dominating idea of the Exposition as expressed on every notable occasion was World Peace. This greatest of Peace Congresses became possible by reason of two main contributing factors: First, by the generosity of the Church Peace Union in giving, expressly for Peace “fork, to the funds of the Com— mittee of One Hundred on Religious Activities during the Panama—Pacific International Exposition, the sum of Five Thousand Dollars. Second. by the willingness of the American Peace Society to combine its Fifth Peace Congress (which it had planned to hold in \Vashington, D. C.) with this Congress. This dual action of these our two greatest American Peace Societies quickly secured the hearty co—operation of all other Peace Organizations, thus making it possible even while all Europe was plunged in the most appalling war of all history, to concentrate in one powerful impact upon the public mind the sanest and latest Peace thought of the most forward men and women now leading in the all~absorbing, all—commanding cause of \Vorld Peace. That this Congress was timely; that its program met public expectation; that it fully justified the efforts and the expense; and that its platform is worthy, is thought-challenging and lifts sane horizon for International Peace; who that rightly studies its able addresses and weighs its platform will deny? Ebn‘onsi OPENING PRAYER Ofl’cn'd by the Rev. Edward L. Parsons, D.D. Rector St. Mark’s Episcopal Church, Berkeley, Cal. “ LMIGHTY and Everlasting God, eternal light and truth, from whom cometh the heavenly wisdom which is pure and peaceable and full of mercy and good fruits, we beseech Thee to fill with Thy light-giving spirit the minds and hearts of Thy servants who are now gathered together to set forward the cause of Thy peace upon earth. Grant wisdom to those who speak and quick responsive hearts to those who hear. Guide the deliberations of this Congress; exalt its utterances; and so fashion all its work that the peoples of the world and those in authority among them may be led to calmer judgment in the aflairs of men and to clearer vision of the power of justice and truth and may be inspired to deeper faith in the unity of mankind in Thee their God and Father. “0 Lord, God of Hosts, in this day of distress of nations, when men's hearts faint for fear and expectation of that which is to come, we beseech Thee to have mercy upon all who are now engaged in war. Receive into Thy nearer presence the souls of those who through sickness, famine or battle are brought to death. Give courage and heavenly comfort to the wounded and heal them, we beseech Thee. Make swift and tender those who minister in hospital and camp. Look with heart of love upon the widowed women and the poor and starving and orphaned children Lord have mercy upon them for the sake of A Him who was born of a woman and came among us a little child; have mercy upon them. “Ah, Lord, from the sin of men this cruel and wicked war has sprung. The souls of the dead, the wounds of the dying, the broken bodies of the strong men, the pitiful estate of widows and orphans cry aloud to Thee for vengeance. Visit with the flame of Thy wrath those who in wilfulness or pride or hatred have unsheathed the sword. For— give of Thy great mercy the millions of Thy children, laborer and peasant, toilets in factory and field and mine who in the bitter conflict are burning, destroying, slaying; forgive them for they know not what they do. Forgive the race hatreds, the jealousies, the unholy greed of wealth, the wicked lust of land, the hollow prayer to Thee and to Thy Christ. Forgive and guide Thy children back to Thee. “Out of the depths we cry unto Thee, O Lord, supplicating Thee to turn again these nations into the way of peace. We pray not for the peace of the past. the peace of suspicion and jealousy and armed might; but that out of this hideous conflict Thou wilt enable men to win the establishment of righteousness and justice and the peace of mutual trust among the nations of the earth. 0 Thou who hast made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on the face of the whole earth, give undying victory, we beseech Thee, to the spirit of brotherhood. “Finally we pray Thee to rouse our own nation to a profound conviction of its own mission of peace. Put frotn us greed and ambition, yealousy, suspicion and doubt. Give to us patriotism of worldwide \ision. Increase in us trust in our brother men and faith in the power of righteousnrss and truth. Grant that armed with righteousness and truth and trusting in the sword of Thy Spirit we may nobly strive to lead the pupils of the earth into one brotherhood, knitting nation to nation in the fellowship of the Kingdom of God, “For this Congress of Peace, for the peace of Europe and for the lasllll}! prztft' rvf the world we offer our prayers in the name of Him \thm we atknv-wledge as the l’rince of Peace. Jesus Christ our Lord." TELEGRAPHIC GREETINGS \\'ashington, l). C, October 11, 1915 1’» at] (iiMMl'lll/l“, Min l’lanrwtti, L'al. “l y’thHl t'M‘tultHgl)‘ that it is impossible for me to participate in \UHT Htt‘tl‘illt'. My llt'llil is with ion in your eiiorts to promote Universal I‘d-4m \Vt‘ should do all in our power to luring the European war to an (titl; illll 11 \\(‘ cannot yet stay the hand of blood over there, we Pilt‘lli'l :it lrast (‘lllliutlt‘ ilt‘l’t‘ the spirit of peace and oppose any policy “liltil mnhl stimulate hatred toward other nations or transplant upon Mutual) «ml the thetit‘) that peace can he either insured or promoted !>\ it‘ltt and it‘m’." (Signed) W. J. BRYAN. Mmmtit‘ from ('ozmt 0181mm, I’rrmzhr, Japan What Makes a Nation Great? FREDERICK LYNCH, D.D. T HE chief reason this terrible war is sweeping the world is this: When we act as individuals toward other individuals we act as Christians, when we act as governments toward other governments we act as pagans. Individuals are largely living by Christian principles, governments by pagan principles. What we call vices and crimes in men we praise as virtues and noble deeds in nations. We hang men for committing the deeds for which we crown nations. We condemn in all decent men conduct which we exalt in nations. When we ask: \Vhat makes a man great? we tnention those qualities which as nations we despise, throw aside and revile. When we ask: What makes a nation great? we name the very things that make men small, vile and cast—offs from all respectable society. It is this double standard of ethics, one for men, one for nations, that is largely responsible for the persistence of war. It will cease between nations when we demand of them the same high rules of conduct that we demand of gentlemen. Fights between individuals stopped when men became gentlemen. To-day men are gentle— men and nations are rowdies. \Ve say that it is wrong for men to steal from each other, but we praise the nation that can steal the most. Most of the colonies' of nations were deliberately stolen, and no one ever thought of condemning the nations doing the stealing until very recent years. Evert now there are thousands of Christians who will justify a nation going to war for expansion, who would shoot a titan who began killing his neighbors on that plea. Stealing is a crime for men, a virtue in nations. We say that it is wrong for a man to kill his neighbor, we say it is wrong to do so even in revenge, or to get certain rights even when greatly provoked. \Ve make it the most heinous crime. In many places we take the life of a man who kills another man, but, even if we do not praise the nation which destroys another, as once we did praise, yet millions of good Christian people condone it and uphold, by their lives laid down, the nation which does it. We have the spectacle in Europe to—(lay of millions of Christian 9 people supporting certain nations in a deliberate act of destruction for which they would have imprisoned any individual for life. Wrong for men to kill each other; perfectly right for nations to destroy each other! We say that it is disgusting, disgraceful, for men to settle their disputes with fists, knives, daggers, razors, pistols. Only rowdies, toughs and savages do it. In most civilized lands even the duel is under condemnation. But almost all Christians in the world believe that this is just the way nations ought to settle their disputes, and see nothing wrong in nations flying at each other‘s throats on the slightest provocation. When a difference ing, imperial, irresistible in its brute strength, which by force of arms can conquer, subjugate, force other peoples to serve it. We call that man greatest who serves his fellow men, and those who are greatest of all in our Christianity are those who have practically forgotten self in the service of the world. But whoever heard of a nation existing first of all for the service of the world? The thing we call meanest in men, selfishness, we exalt in nations. The highest duties of a really great man are toward others; the highest duties of a nation, toward itself. Look Courts; when a difference arises between two nations the thought of these same Christians is war. When a man makes certain claims against his neighbor and his neighbor makes counter claims we think of arbitration: when two nations cannot agree upon a question our first thought is that they should seek justice through how from many high Christian sources we are hearing this: “The first duty of a nation is the protection of its citizens”; “the nation must brook no insult": “the nation must uphold its honor." What would you think of a man who thought his chief duty in life was self—protection or arranging his honor? \Vould we call him great? And yet notice how when President Wilson, rising above this low and universal conception of national greatness, and carried up into that level where we judge great men, insisted that the first trying to kill each other, duty of the United States was not retaliation, not revenge, not We praise the man who forgives. The books on which we base our religion have forgiveness running through them like a thread of gold, lle whom we call Master practised it, even to death. lint whoever conceived that a nation might forbear and forgive? You smile at the thought, You would be indignant at the act. Marri- of you were indignant because Mr. Wilson and Mr. 'tryan even suggested forbearance and investigation when (it‘llllfllly sank the Lusitania. Your only cry was: “Let us wallop (it‘rlllally. Let us revenge ourselves for the lives of American viii/ens ()iir honor has been insulted.” This cry was in religious protecting her honor. not even seeking reparation, but was in the securing of safety on the seas for all innocent people, and the rescuing of Germany from her mad course. Notice, we say, how many Christian men in high places excoriated him and spoke with sneers and jeers. When men put self first they fought day and night. When they learned to ptit service first they had peace. The same law will hold with nations. There can be btit one great- arises between two men, we all think of conciliation, law and newspapers, in t‘hristizm pulpits. to say nothing of the mouths of mobs and deiiiagogiies. lint you can have no lasting peace until \iiii can get nations which will act like Christian gentlemen when itllrtmlfll. l‘t‘l‘llilltk the gren‘cst lesson of modern history has just tx , t ' ., , S:ill‘lc'ldliilll'llll:”ll: , , this regard. \\llLIl the l’resident of the _United r . , . g toiiard (Jerinarrv with reason, good—Will and forbearance. has won the greatest victory of the present war. is a much It greater victor) to convert a man than to kill him. ‘lHw\\fl::i81:ixiii-:3;impi‘nlgi lp’iplns al;ont the meek and lowly, and units {in “1.0.,” \\ e call lh“.11m0111ii."t hmmm” the same: lle‘t'E limb ha's demandEd i ltfivlll a nation weak and m its pusrl. . . i great Much is mighty, overwhelm10 ness, whether it be of men, gods, angels or nations. Perhaps nowhere is this contrast more widely outstanding than is the doctrine of rights. No Christian lives by a doctrine of rights. He lives by a doctrine of duties. He is not worried over getting his rights. He does not go about clamoring for them, any more than did his Master. Even if he (lid believe he had certain rights which ought to be maintained he will not, if he is a gentleman, insist on obtaining these rights at the expense, hurt, or death of others. The state considers him a criminal if he attempts it and condemns him. The question then immediately arises: llas the time not come when nations should be compelled to respect these same laws? Has one nation a right to plunge all Europe into hell, or even to make all the other peaceful nations suffer—for all nations sufi’er vastly from the war of even two—simply to secure its own rights, 11 even where it is recognized by all that the rights have been violated? Has any nation the right to go to war to-day without first consulting all the other nations and exhausting every existing means of securing justice when such a course invariably means the ruin of thousands of disinterested and innocent people, and may mean the drawing of many other nations into the war? \Vhat Mr. Taft said at the dedication of the Pan-American Peace Palace in Washington must be applied to all nations. He said that no two nations on the American Continent had any right to go to war and disturb all the others, and that he hoped the time would soon come when the nineteen nations would say to any other two con— sidering war, "You must stop.” It is time this came in all the world, Any nation which to-day, with the present oneness of the world, declares war against another country thereby declares war against every other country, and the time has come to recognize this fact. No nation can go to war to-day without going to war against all humanity. Has not the time come to say to nations, just as we say to individuals, “If the securing of justice, the obtaining of your rights, the upholding of your honor, promises in any way to disturb the peace of the rest of the world and make all the innocent nations suffer, you must refrain from individual action and do as individuals do—try your case before some competent judicial body by orderly processes of law.” As a matter of fact. this is the surest way to get justice in the end. For instance, what is Austria getting now? What might she not have had it she had taken her dispute with Serbia to The Hague, as Serbia was willing to do? Internationalism and Democracy JAMES A. MACDONALD, LL.D. NDEPENDENCE was the great idea of North America in I the day of George Washington; interdependence is coming to be the far greater idea of North America in our day. Nationalism was the note of the world of yesterday; internati onal— ism will be the keynote of the world of to—morrow. Autocracy and mastership were organizing forces among the nations in the century before the war; democracy and liberty will be the reorganizing forces, among all nations and over all the world, in the new century after the war. Liberty! Democracy! Internationalism! These three must be the dominant ideas in the politics of all peoples it' the shattered fragments of the old world’s barbarism of armed peace are to be gathered together into the New VVorld’s free and enduring civilization. It is not that old ideas are repudiated: it is rather that they are being outgrown. It is not that national life is decaying; it is rather that worldelife is beginning to emerge. When the world was a jungle each tribe counted every other tribe its enemy, each race lived at the expense of every other race, each nation thought to come to power by the overthrow of other nations: but as the world becomes a neighborhood the fact of mutual dependence overcomes the impulses to tribal war, the law of social love casts out the bondage of racial fear, and the ideal of international co-operation sets a new standard of national greatness in the neighborhood life of world nations. Nationalism is not rebuked; rather it is justified, and comes to its own in the broader international life. The best seeds of nationalism come to flower and fruit in the world achievement of international service. These are the essential principles of world life and world progress. They are set forth and illustrated in the history of the two great English-speaking groups of nations—the British Empire and the 'L'nited States of America. The unmatched illus— tration is in North America. The great fraternity of the Englishspeaking world has to its credit an achievement on this North American continent which is without precedent or parallel elsewhere in all the world’s history—the marvel and the inspiration 13 ) of the war~stricken nations. It is the liberty, the democracy and the internationalism of the United States and Canada at their boundary line across the continent through more than a hundred years. WHAT Nonrn AMERICA HAs DONE A civilized international boundary! A hundred years of international peacel ’l‘wo nations, not at war because of the arrogant autocracy of their powers, but joined in a noble fraternity by the self-respecting democracy of their peoples! That is the distinction of North America among the continents. It is the distinction of international civilization in the midst of a world of international savagery. It is the supreme message of North America to liurope and the u orld. In other things other continents may have pre-eminence. Things done elsewhere, mere things. eccentricities of Nature, triumphs of invention, applications of physical science, achieve< ments in art and arcliitecture—things done elsewhere may fill larger space in the wotld's records. And it may be that the things in the l‘anamad’acihc lixposition, about which Americans themselves make loudest boasts, are httt replicas, reproductions, evolutions of old world suggestions and creations. ()ther races and other :lgt's labored, and America has entered into their labors. lhtt in one thing North America blazed a new trail, staked a new claim, In one achievement North America stands alone. It is the greatest :uhievcnient, the joint international achievement of the two nations holding this continent from the Gulf of Mexico and the Rio (mantle to the Arctic seas. It is the product and the expression of the continued and unified life of the United States and (anada through their marvelous century of international history, '1 hat stupendous achievement. that world—idea, is expressed in a boundary line between these two young, proud, apgtessne nations. four thousand miles from ocean to ocean, artth which, in lltttlt thatt a hundred years, neither nation ever oncc inarthed a lllt‘ll.l\ 111;! arnn ot tired a hostile gun, litasp that ‘ “it‘ll _ “ensure that achievement A thous and ‘ miles up the tntghfl St launnct‘l A thous and miles along the (treat lakes” .\ thousand miles across the open prairies! A thousand nnlcs met the world's ere atcst mountain ranges! Four thousand Halts limit the \Ilantit‘ to the l‘acitic. and nearlv a thousand more front the Pacific across to the Arctic! More than four thousand miles where nation meets nation, where sovereignty greets sovereignty, where flag salutes flag, but never a fortress, never a battleship, never a gun, never a sentry on guard. More than four thousand miles of civilized and Christianized internationalism. That is North America‘s world-idea. That is North America’s message to Europe. EURope’s INTERNATIONAL COLLAPSE Over against that international achievement of North America stands the international collapse of Europe. The world’s history presents no spectacle so pitious as the unspeakable tragedy of Europe at this very hour—the tragedy of Belgium, the tragedy of Poland, the tragedy of the Balkans, and the still more staggering tragedy of Germany. All the achievements of Europe’s civilization, all the things that make for human progress and freedom and justice, the work of a thousand years and the hopes of a thousand tnore—all have been crowded back into the melting pot of hideous and brutal war. No matter who is responsible for it, the lining up for mutual slaughter of millions ttpon millions of the best breeds in the greatest nations of Europe; the wanton destruction of the treasures of all the ages, the wholesale squandering 0f the wealth of more than half the nations of the world, and the sowing of the seeds of international hate for generations yet unborn: all this for the alleged purpose of settling some dispute between Austria and Servia, or some race enmity between the 'l‘euton and the Slav, is a blank denial of civilization; it is a crime against humanity: it is an apostasy from Christ. As if to speak the condemnation of Europe's failure there is presented at the very same time in North America the celebration of a full century of unbroken peace between the two great sections of the English-speaking world, the greatest empire in the world's history and the world's greatest republic. This is indeed the sublinn-st wonder of all the world to—day— this gigantic human spectacle of more than 400,000,000 of peoples of all races and colors and languages. covering more than Ottequarter of the land area of the globe, livingr at peace under the l'nion Jack: and under the Stars and Stripes, 100,000,000 of as free and as enterprising peoples as civilization has produced, and 14 lfi these two flags, both of them “Red, White and Blue,” entwined for a hundred years to promote the freedom and progress and peace of all humanity. Earth sees nothing more marvelous or more splendid than that, And in these days, these awful days of staggering and bitterness, when the war-clouds of Europe loom blackest, when their thunders speak of death and their lightnings flash a hell, the grief—blinded eyes of Europe may turn again to America. and in the after—glow of an unparalleled century of Anglo—American civilization the broken heart of humanity may yet praise God and take fresh courage for the redemption of the world. That is. the meaning and the message of North America’s political watchwords: Liberty! Democracy! Internationalism! The Patriotism of Peace MATT. S. HUGHES, D.D. HE writer's earliest recollection of the Fourth of July goes T back to the centennial year of 1876. He was then :1 small boy in a little community south of Mason and Dixon’s line. There was a great patriotic celebration with that typical institution of the South—a barbecue. The national hymn was sung, the Declaration of Independence was read, and a patriotic address was delivered by a citizen who had been a general otficer in the Federal army during the Civil War. The orator of the day made a profound appeal to my childish imagination because he came upon the platform in full regimentals. He observed the day by wearing his military uniform, despite the fact that more than a decade had passed since the smoke of battle had lifted frotn the field of Appomattox and peace had been declared between the North and South. That military uniform, worn by my first Independence Day orator, is mentioned here because it symbolizes a characteristic of our national thought. \Ve associate patriotism with war. We see its distinctive manifestations in military service and military achievement. Our patriotic celebrations are characterized by military display. Our fighting forces are paraded; our regimental bands play our national airs, and our orators are prone to describe our wars and eulogize our military heroes. These are the familiar accompaniments of our patriotic Observances. There is good reason for this intimate association of patriotism and war. The dramatic chapters in our history describe our conflicts. The war of the Revolution gave us freedom from England and imlepenrlency of government; the war of 1812 gave us freedom of commerce and our rights as a sovereign nation upon the high seas: the war of 1861 gave us human freedom in the abolition of slavery and a united country by the annihilation of the political dogma of state sovereignty. In addition to these real wars and their fruits. the Mexican war, about which we are not so sure and not so proud, gave us the Pacific empire, including our commonwealth of California. and the war with Spain relieved us 17 of an unwholesome presence in the western hemisphere and initiated our career as a world-power. We celebrate Memorial Day among our national holidays as second only to Independence Day. On that anniversary we pay solemn tribute to all our soldier dead, But we have no day on which we honor the memory of those who have served our country in times and ways of peace. Thus it is a natural outcome that the American people should associate patriotism with war, and patriotic senice with military aChieyement. In tontrast with this popular conception, I wish to present as our subject, "The l‘atriotism of Peace.” In these days it will be good to emphasize the poet‘s declaration that “Peace hath her victories no less renowned than war." A little reflection will convince the thoughtful mind that the patriotism of peace must respond to heavier demands than the patriotism of war. This conclusion must be drawn from such considerations as these: The umlc only begun in war must always be completed in peace; the extraordinart cost of \\ar nmst al\\ ays be paid in times of peace; the penalties of war must always he suffered in peace; the evils (in ated by \\:ir must always be dealt with in peace. These propositioiu indicate the yital importance of our study. 'I ll( re is a remarkable chapter in our history which illustrates the propmition that war is only a beginning in the solution of national problems. The Declaration of Independence had to 2:](iil:”:,3l,:2:::1:12 ll);x;\ilr:\ Thefight foyr ffreedom on the battle- Under pressure of such a distressing state of affairs, the federal convention met in Philadelphia in May, 1787. This marks the real beginnings of our national life. The sessions of the body were secret, and the outcome was awaited with the greatest interest and the wildest speculations. At last the constitution was completed; was ratified by state after state, and in January, 1789, \Vashington was called to the presidency of the United States. As commander-in-chief of the army he had compelled the acknowledgment of ottr independence, but no nation can live by independence alone. With all he had accomplished in the field as military chieftain, under the impulse of the patriotism of war, our land would have been worse off after the Revolution than before had it not been for what he and his compatriots accomplished under the pressure of the patriotism of peace. The achievements of war were only valuable as they were followed by the achievements of peace. The expenditures of war in men and in money would have been wasted had it not been for the conservation of peace. This same lesson, that war is only a beginning, has been pressed home upon the American people again and again, with the sober hours following the jubilations at the declaration of peace. In the war of 1812 we secured freedom of commerce, but there remained to the patriotism of peace the more arduous task of achieving commerce and the conquest of the markets of the world. That belonged to peace, and it may be added that the task has not uith lingland; the rell-coateldL:ijiiiiéfm-‘m? ISZCCf‘l'aS COHCIUdCd country : \\'a>hinqton . , the commander—iiCi—clifi;e . 'Or thehis . , restgned "mower comllllh'lt‘tll and retired to well»earne<l rest at Mount Vernon The Revolution uas over, but lllls “as only a beginning, The thirteen colonies were bound ttrgt‘tllcr' with ropes of sand: they sought to establish a league of friendship" by means of articl es of confederat ion‘ they «ould . . rai~t no lt'\t‘llllt‘_\ and the army was unpaid and mutinouS' .lll\\('.l\\l(ll . l\ :tr‘Hw . between . the colonies, and there was no court ofl appeal. .\mer1can credit had failed, and we were fast drift in ' t .t‘\lill(' of anarchy, The outlook was dark and almo st ho glm 0 l he period of seven tears following the cessa tion of hosPtiTe'SS. 1: called by one of our historians, Professor Iohn F' k i t‘ltles ( ritical I‘eriml of .\merican History." War had acco lsl'eh T'he mtermmt, but at this point its limitations were acute?) realize]: been accomplished in one hundred years. settlement and the building of great commonwealths like California. That belonged to peace, and it may be remarked that each year shows us how tremendous is the task demanded of us in peace as compared with the march of a handful of soldiers to the capital city of our neighbor on the south. That campaign was soon over, but every year since that time the patriotism of peace has been making increased demands upon the citizenship which followed in the wake of the soldiers’ campaign in Mexico. The Civil “'ar left us with the problems of reconstruction, and we have been discovering that the Emancipation Proclamation, issued as a war measure, was only a beginning. The negro is more of a problem now than he was before the war, The Spanisermeri19 lh‘ The war with Mexico gave its territory, but there remained the more important tasks of can war was only a beginning, and its results are pressing large claims against the patriotism appeal. It tossed Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands into our lap and placed Cuba under our tutelage, thus enormously increasing our responsibilities, and the end is not yet. The sufiiciency for these things must he found in the patriotism of peace. The lesson is that war plays a necessary but subordinate part in the working out of a nation’s destiny. Opportunity may be won in conflict by force of arms, but that opportunity must be improved under the inspiration of the patriotism of peace. Enemies may be driven from our territory by gun and bayonet, but republican government and its institutions can never be constructed by such means. Political dogmas may be blown to destruction from the cannon’s mouth, but a strong, loyal, intelli- gent citizenship is not the product of the armed catnp, but must be evolved by the institutions and the processes of peace. War is destructive and may be necessary in overcoming enemies and removing obstacles threatening national life and progress; but peace must be constructive, and the best thing to be said about war is that it sometimes conquers a peace which gives patriotism its highest opportunity for its noblest tasks. War may give us freedom from England, but only peace construct a strong and stable government; war may warn nations against interference with our shipping, but only activities of peace can carry our flag into the harbors of world; war may give us vast stretches of territory, but only can the the the the ministries of peace can banish the wilderness and make the deserts to blossom as the rose: war may decide that the republic is one and indivisible, but only the intercourse of peace can exorcise the evil spirit of sectionalism: war may give us new possessions in the Atlantic adndl the lPacific, but it is the long, hard task of the s atcsman an tie scio lm. s ' Philippine Islands V . for (:elfq-gtcfjei‘finijerflmd: . :01.th and the paceRICO among states of the 1 mon. The lesson is plain that war is never any- thing more or better than a beginning: the work begun must be carried on and completed under the auspices of the patriotism of peace. One of the wise utterances of Benjamin Franklin is to this effect: "\‘t ars are not paid for in war times the bills come later ” The statement. of course, is only parti ally true. There are certain items of war expense that are due and payable at the time. The payment is exacted on the battlefield, in the hospitals, at the home and in the prison. The heaviest payments on account of war are made by those directly engaged, and these claims are liquidated by those of past generations. There are other expenses of war that drag themselves out over succeeding years. The fact that Revolutionary claims have scarcely ceased in our own country, while bills for the war of 1812 still come in occasionally, will give us some idea of the persistence of this feature of war and the burdens it lays upon the patriotism of peace. Our great—grandchildren will be taxed to pay for the wars we have already fought when the twenty—first century dawns. The accounts of past wars will not be declared closed until we are well on into the third century of our national existence. And let us have this fact indelibly fixed in our minds: Every dollar of the cost of all the wars in our nation’s history must be paid by the toil of men’s hands. Consider only a few of these items: North and South, during our Civil War, several million men were withdrawn from gainful occupations for four years. In a rapidly developing country such as ours, four years of industry and commerce is a tremendous item. Yet this was only a negative item of expense, not missed by us, though we have been poorer by so much as a nation ever since. We cannot place the item on any ledger, and the expert accountants cannot help us much in the figuring; but however it may be with an individual, the income of a nation ceases when its work stops. It must either draw upon its reserves or mortgage its future. We did both. Consider as another item in the account the economic loss to the nation by the destruction of its men in war. Never in our history have we accepted the old, false theory that war is a bless— ing because it prevents the accumulation of a surplus in population. The men killed in our Civil War were nearly all young and vigorous, and of the best American blood. If they had lived they would have become the heads of families, the farmers, the craftsmen, the men of trade and commerce, the professional men of the next generation. Many of them, in all human possibility, would have become important factors in the opening up and develop— ment of the great west. If we estimate the earning power of the million men, North and South, who perished in the war, at the 20 21 low figure of only $400 per man annually, the nation lost by their death $400,000,000 per year. In forty years, which they would have lived on the average, they would have been worth to the nation the enormous sum of $16,000,000,000—-a sum twice as great as the total original cost of the war to the nation. And to this we must add the economic values of the offspring of these men. which would have been continued to the nation after the death of the sires. Consider the cost in another aspect. In 1857 our public debt had been reduced to $28,000,000. In the prosecution of the war, Congress enacted our highest tariff bill in 1861, and we paid some of the expenses during hostilities. But in August, 1865, our national debt was $2,846,000,000, and that amount remained to be collected from the people of the United States in times of peace. This means that, notwithstanding heavy taxes were levied upon many articles of sale and large fees exacted for many business documents, the debt increased at the rate of $700,000,000 a year during the war. We are engaged in paying the bills to-day. Nor is this all. Our government has paid in pensions since the close of the Civil War, to say nothing of the cost of soldiers’ homes, more than $3,000,000,000. Before we are through with it we shall have paid not less than $5,000,000,000, or much more than one-half the total war expenditures, North and South. In addition, we have paid in interest on the public debt—nearly all war debt—during the same period not less than $2,500,000,(XX). Our yearly interest bill is still about $25,000,000, and this account, decreasing of course, we shall carry for many years. In addition to these government expenses, the states have, during the same period, paid out in bounties and to indigent soldiers and sailors sums aggregating more than $800,000,000. One state, New York, has expended in this way over $200,000,000 . In other words we pay for war in times of peace. ’ Sh()Lllléiertisrdoefr :2? thisistxhibit (fJf the war burdens laid upon the appreciated . we mupst. use :m 0 Peace may ompa‘risons. be un‘derStOOd The story is told by and the comparative expenditures of the national treasury for the thirt one years from 1879 to 1909. Durin t1 t ' y army, navy, pensions and interest $12g21103491396770;i W;hSP:nlt for of the national $3,479,696 . 805. income for ,these th‘rt Y— i e a ance This. was s pent 1 'y administration one. years was upon the c1v11 of national affairs, legislation, law, justice, customs service, Indians, and all other miscellaneous activities of the nation. In other words, during that period of thirty-one years of peace, broken only for a few months while we administered a needed lesson to Spain, we spent 71.5 per cent of all our national income in paying war expenses, and only 28.5 per cent for all the other work of our government. Almost three dollars out of every four of our national revenue was used to pay the claims of war, past or prospective. During the entire life of our republic we have spent more than three times as much for war and its incidents ($16,567,677,135) as we have devoted to the activities of peace ($4,951,194,216). Further, the money raised and expended for war during the political life of the republic exceeds the gold production of the world since the discovery of America—thirteen and a half billions of dollars—by three billions of dollars. I ask you to remember that I am not discussing the philosophy of militarism. I am not an advocate of peace at any price. I am in favor of international arbitration, but there are some questions, it seems to me, that do not lend themselves to that method of settlement. Neither would I be understood as arguing in favor of withholding one dollar for which we have been obligated as a people because of our indulgence in the costly pastime of war. These things are only mentioned in this connection that we may understand the truth of the proposition that the patriotism of peace has to pay the extraordinary cost contracted under the patriotism of war. And every dollar of which I have been speaking has to be earned by the toil of the citizen in peace. 'We also lay down the proposition that the evils springing from war have to be faced and dealt with by the patriotism of peace. Here our confirmation and our illustrations may be limited to the Civil War and its legacies to the American people. Out of the Civil War came the war tariffs and the beginnings of the high protective area of our history. After the war, when the expenses of government were enormously increased, the war tariff rates of 1864 still prevailed. A 10 per cent “horizontal” reduction in 1872 was revoked in 1875. The theory of nurturing infant industries has been used to saddle war tariffs upon the people for nearly fifty years. The spectacle of these lusty children of the tariff, grown to bloated and belligerent manhood, 22 23 and still clutching the nursing bottle of the tariff, finally appealed to the people’s sense of the ridiculous, and party platforms began to contain promises of weaning. In addition, the people began to inquire into the mysteries of tariff—making and were properly scandalized as the result of their investigations. The abuses of the tariff and the evils flowing therefrom for nearly half a century, we may regard as a war legacy to the patriots of peace. by private interests. Our national wealth has not been admin~ istered in the interest of the people, to whom it belongs. Our great ranges were taken by cattlemen, and we grew a crop of cattle kings; our coal fields were seized by a handful of men, some of whom regarded themselves as trustees of the Almighty, and we developed a dynasty of coal kings, both bituminous and anthracite; our hills and valleys were denuded of their forests, and the During the Civil War, too, our statesmen saw the political necessity of attaching the Pacific coast to the far east by rail. California was at that time so far out of communication with the rest of the republic that its adherence to the Union was a matter of sentiment rather than of direct connection. Here began the national railway subsidy system, so fruitful in corruption and scandal. The Pacific railroad bill, carried by Thaddeus Stevens in 1862, gave to the Union and the Central Pacific railroads a money subsidy of over $25,000 a mile, and more than 30,000,000 acres of land in addition. The money subsidy took the form of a loan, but it was not expected that it would be repaid, which was a fortunate lack of expectation in view of subsequent developments. Some of my readers will recall the scandal of the construction company, formed for building the road, the Credit Mobilier, stock of the company being found in the possession of many congressmen, who had furnished no consideration therefor. The Northern Pacific road did not succeed in getting a cash subsidy, but its promoters secured a double grant of land per mile, amounting to about 47,000,000 acres in all. The two southern routes-secured about 70,000,000 acres in all, so that there have been given to railroads something like 160,000,000 acres of territorial land. Up to 1892 the railroads received from Concress 960 acres of land for every mile of road constructed unde: the grantmgtacts. The immense power given into the keeping of the corporations thus created under the pressure of war necessity gave rise, especially here on the coast, to problems with which every intelligent citizen is more or less familiar. It has been a matter of doubt for more than a generation as to whether we were :‘lllZCllS’l‘lndCr a government or subjects under certain corporaWe trace back to that 5 mac inery of government. ture the beginnings of the ejme' pe'nOdof0four . plOitation eXtravagant expendinational resources 24 results were the ravages of annual floods in some parts of the country and the establishment of a line of timber kings; our water-power sites have been largely seized in the same way, and now we have a collection of would-be light and power kings struggling for thrones. These are legacies of the free-and-easy period, when our legislators were busy with war tariffs and reconstruction schemes. Out of this same Civil War came the unholy alliance between the liquor traffic and the United States government. Our government raises its funds by customs duties and internal revenues. When in 1901 the internal revenue receipts reached the highwater mark of $301,000,000, four—fifths of that enormous sum, or $254,000,000, came from tobacco and spirits. That explains why the national government has allowed the liquor traffic right of way in prohibition communities and states, and why the will of the people, legally expressed at the polls, is violated by lawless persons under the protection of a federal license. I am not making an anti—liquor appeal. I am simply tracing back to their beginning in war some most remarkable features of present-day conditions. Only one thing more let me mention. Naturally during this period following the Civil War there grew up a most intimate alliance between high finance and the government. Our legisla— tion had to do with business interests in framing tariff schedules. Our political discussions were usually limited to the clashing of crude economic theories. Business in America found its most useful ally in politics, and business men regarded political contributions as belonging to the overhead charges of their enterprises. Now naturally, when business furnishes the money to elect the legislators, the legislators are expected to furnish laws to suit their patrons. The result was that the moral element, which was strong in our national life in the ante-bellum days, became so weak and flabby that one of our distinguished public 25 men thought nothing of boldly proclaiming that the authority of the Ten Commandments in American politics was ”an iridescent dream.” I have always been glad to believe that the gentleman was infinitely higher in character than in his sentiment. The climax in the ascendancy of the new order was reached in the middle nineties with the rise of a modern captain of industry to supreme place in the counsels of the dominant party. Mark Hanna declared that this was a business man’s country and that we must have a business man’s government. That meant that our national emphasis must be laid on property and not on the person. The drift has been in that direction in our courts of justice, in our halls of legislation, in our administration of government, and even in our international relations, characterized of recent years by what has come to be known as “dollar diplomacy.” The struggle of long years to secure the adoption of safety devices on our railroads to prevent the needless slaughter of trainmen, and the impossibility of securing a federal law against child labor because business demands the juvenile sacrifice in the interest of dividends, are only cases in point. Of course our drift toward a system of government by check book was accompanied by graft of all descriptions, for if business is. the end of government it is an exceedingly stupid public otfiual who does not recognize business opportunities for himself in office. lint all of this is Only brought to your attention that you may realize how war lays its burdens upon peace. carried as colonel of the regiment; how they took it down from the wall with reverent hands and, inspired by the memories of the stirring scenes through which they had passed together, shed their mutual tears over the relic of their comradeship. To be perfectly frank, the pathetic recital made no more impression upon me than the bark of a dog or the sound of a horse’s boots on a plank road. For that man, who had been a patriot in war and who still shed tears over his sword, was simply the tool of predatory interests in the times of peace, using an impregnable position to betray his unfortunate countrymen into the hands of greed, and his service for his private masters was so well understood that his name was a hissing and a byword among his fellow-citizens, against whom he wrought injustice in the sacred name of the American republic. He was a patriot in war and a traitor in peace. As an officer of the army he bravely faced his country’s foes; but as an official of the government in times of peace he used his place and power to betray his fellowcitizens into the hands of the enemies of the republic. More commendable was the action of General Lee, who, having manfully fought against the government in time of war, exemplified the finest civic virtues in times of peace. Better still, the example of General Grant, who served his country with honor and fidelity in both war and peace. He was as patriotic from 1865 to 1885 as he was from 1861 to 1865. His devotion to the highest ideals of citizenship was not compressed into one quadrennium of war. peacrzl-‘nriZliiaasmiststooyiiii StigclulivzitrhdeeliiipaiitadSis that “he PatriOtism o‘f country. The patriot of war ma fail 5 “P0“ t‘e IOVCT Of his remember attending a Io val Le iy b 35 a PamOt Of PEaCC- I make an address. One‘o)f the sgonk anquet some years ago to gentleman holdinga most distin ulifla (in-S 9“. the program was a ment. lie had been the colonelg f” 1: $051M“ Pndfir ihe gOVerIII\\'ar. lie was an eloquent S) (1: a ederal reglment m the CW1] sonalitt‘. That night he canieeziv'fir 2:: 8 Ta” Of attliaCtllVe per- most pathetic interest. He ullt:d1 te Ibecnal Of an mCldent 9f voice, and the tears of emotidii li t011 dt'6 YFEmOIO Stops 0f hls a recent Visit by a member of hisgr: (inc m hlls e-VES' He t01d Of since they were mustered out of q gITEIlt, W 10m he had not seen After they had exchan ed rem' "emce at the C1958 Of the war. went together to his libf’lfl' \‘l mlscences he dCSCrled how they . . , \ iere hung the sword which he had Even in times of conflict we are led to recognize the value of forms of national service other than military. All our great wars have raised up servants of the republic, whose claims to grateful remembrance as patriots are not associated with field and camp. Samuel Adams was not a soldier, but there were times when he seemed to be the very incarnation of American independence. The desire of General Gage to suppress the uprising in the person of this notable champion had to do with the British expedition to Lexington and Concord, and to Adams a warning was carried by Paul Revere on his famous ride. Benjamin Franklin did not fight in the war for independence, but his services at the court of France meant more to the cause of American liberty than the achievements of an army corps in the field. Robert Morris was not soldier or sailor, but he was the financier of the Revolution. He pledged his personal credit to support the public credit, and 26 27 h ~ .n in at one time was pledged for the enorm ous sum of $1 400 000 for supplies for the army, In 1781 he suppl ied almost everythin to carry on. the campaign against Cornw allis. In the Civil \i/a Henry \\ ard Beecher fought with his tongue while others wielded the sword, and his English campaign must have recognition as of the successful strategic movement s of that great stru 1e 1‘31“ colossal figure of the Civil \Var is not that of a soldier gfbr h 1e Lintcoln slegrved in the Black Hawk campaign as private3 3:; cap am. y virtue of his ofiice as president he was in—chief of the semi . federal. forceS'. but histo . ry, records thcom at his rimndreat ersworge to his country and the world was not wrought bf the . All of thisshows that we need to get away from the l potion. asutyplfied in a recen t painting called ”A Lesps opu {if A:tlriotism, whgre an old man is teaching a boy to handl e :Iguiin . ong as ouri ea of patriotism is associated with uns 'u lizgttlxiletsense of Civic respon ’ sibility will languish aid ti]: 5:62: . c He interests of our natio n will be neglected. As long 0f )cace q" . “l’liilocopliikmtg [the iiuesnon’ as does Profit-“Of Royce in his , _' 0 .Oya t 7.” “Ar . patrioticpeople?” He {3110“,qt11eiq“e :eally at Present a highly . sclf»cxa - . . - ~ (lites ion witl 1 One that dem m”. 1.11””?“011 0” the Part of every man who thinks hands . V e or1 inmmit‘: 1‘ “ n other words how often, in your own c n. , . present l‘fls . . 1 it ”K ‘15 Of ,‘0111 fellow—citizens, as now you know th ‘cnsctit 63, ' ~ 1)”qu rixlntfyou ‘ -'y em 1 dp something critical, significant involvingS ‘ ‘ . »\ O sacriice to yourself ~ ’ and . moanwluh ‘ ' . ' ' ’ somethm W ' thu ‘ L 5" “NW6d b)‘ your love of your nation is a he: is « youmcm 1 -, . ' “mane 531‘) that just then you have eyes to, .sew 0e . . , as , the country itselfneither e nor C . me' l a , sue in Vour (I l ll(‘ «i . s you to see and to speak?" ~ It is- not I Opinion, re— a w 110‘1 esome sym ptom C) (l t (.KllO 1: (all )6 add: d l) \ ill U 5 6 Vi ll() .9'! 1 Hellg j 16g 3.1 01.11 There are indicatio ns that w e. are supreme im por coming to realize tauce of the the patri Ohm] of pea thought are soo ce. Changes in n reflected in lit era ry phrase and You , . will . not ice that toda popular speech y we do I iot have patrio . tis as much to sav abo . m as former ut ly an ' d , , inst d we are 1 ihnst 7mg “ good discussing and em Cit ' 'izenship," Th \ ea e exp lanation of the cha tcr ms' 1\ " not ' that we nge in are losin<Y the ‘ feeling for which patriotism b stands, but rather that we are putting vigorous emphasis upon the performance of patriotic service in times and ways of peace. Real patriotism is the animating spirit of good citizenship; on the other hand good citizenship is the practical and working side of patriotism under conditions of peace. This change of terms indicates a hopeful trend from the glorifying of an abstract virtue to the concrete application of the same virtue to the problems of the nation and the service of the republic. There is a new passion in the demand that the citizens shall be actively interested in the welfare of the state. The call to political activity in our times is not unlike the call of a past generation to military service. It may be that certain threatening dangers have evoked this new passion; at any rate, the passion is in evidence. With this understanding of the meaning of the change we shall find no fault with the fact that to-day we are hearing more about good citizenship than about patriotism. It is simply an indication that our emphasis is shifting from war to peace, and that we are coming to a realization that faith in our country’s destiny, which has been a sort of blind belief, must be accompanied by the works of peace, or it is dead. There will be some characteristic changes in the new order. Under the inspiration of good citizenship, the patriotism of peace, we shall not hear so much about the sweetness of dying for one’s country, but we shall hear a great deal more about the duties of living for our country, which is always as heroic and sometimes more difficult. Our orators will not have as much to say about rallying round the flag, but they will have some plain, pungent truths to utter in characterizing the citizens, who fail to rally around the ballot—box on election day. \Ve shall not hold our reunions and tell of the fierce charges in which guns and bayonets drove back the enemy and broke its proud strength into flying fragments; but ever and anon we shall hear the gosd news of the breaking of a “political machine” under the iiupa: of good citizenship and the consignment of disabled bosses to the care of the ambulance corps. We shall not take the laurel wreath from the courage which charges the cannon's mouth, but we shall speak in glowing terms of the heroes who in the interest of the public good have been brave enough to defy the unscrupulous hatred of private-interest politicians and have dared to be unpopular and abused in behalf of the common weal. When 28 29 we have such a grand army of the republic driving the enemy, winning the victories of pea cc, and standing like sentinels of cmc righteousness guarding the nation al honor, it may be said of our nation, as of an inst itution of old: “The gates of hell shall not prevail against it.” The Catholic Church and Peace ARCHBISHOP EDWARD J. HANNA N the momentous crisis through which the world is passing, 1 in the final decision of the war which is devastating the earth, the attitude of the Catholic Church must necessarily be largely a determining factor. For in the struggle her children number millions, in the councils for peace they must have large repre— sentation, and her guidance will be sought in the adjustment of a cause where justice and mercy and right ought to prevail. To—night there sits in a little room in one of the world’s greatest palaces a lonely man, upon whom the burden of a world, upon whom the sins of men rest oh! so heavily. Of noble lineage, of high place in men’s esteem, he is nobler, he is higher than kings and princes by reason of his priestly ofi'ice. His rule is vaster than that of all the kings on earth, and his cause more sacred. The confines of the earth are the boundaries of his empire, and hundreds of millions of the noblest, the purest, the truest, the most cultured of earth's sons give to him loyal, faith- ful obedience. He has been shorn of all temporal sovereignty, he rules in the world by truth, by justice, by kindly mercy, by love. The kings and warring princes of earth listen to his voice, and he has been able where others have failed, to mitigate the awfulness of the present struggle, to obtain an exchange of prisoners, to protect the aged, to give comfort to the wounded and to the dying, to solace the last hours of the fallen, to accentuate the greater brotherhood of mankind in spite of war’s opposition. In his messages, which go to the ends of the earth, he implores his children to pray that peace may come, for he feels that there are crises in human affairs when there is naught to do save to get on our knees, as Lincoln once said, and to beg the God of battles in mercy to end the struggle. Listen, if you will, to his prayer addressed to Christ: “Dur— ing Thy life on earth Thy heart beat with tender compassion for the sorrows of men; in this hour made terrible with burning hate, with bloodshed and with slaughter, once more may Thy 31 divine Heart be moved to pity. Pity the countless mothers in anguish for the fate of their sons; pity the numberless families now bereaved of their fathers; pity EurOpe over which broods such havoc and disaster. Do Thou inspire rulers and peoples with counsels of meekness: do Thou heal the discords that tear the nations asunder; do Thou bring men together once more in loving harmony, Thou \’\'h0 didst shed Thy precious blood that they might live as brothers. And as once before to the cry of the Apostle Peter, ‘Save us, Lord, we perish,’ Thou didst answer with words of mercy and didst still the raging waves, so now deign to hear our trustful prayer, and give back to the world peace and tranquility.’ " lie implores Christian kings and Christian rulers to consider the value of human life, and the inalienable rights of men to the pursuit of things that have greatest worth. He tells them that war has come because men no longer love, but hate; he tells them that to slaughter men, and to destroy the monuments of their genius for race or national predominance is wrong; he boldly asserts that money and treasure and commerce cannot justify the ltilling of millions of men made in God's image and destined unto the vision of the Most High: he insists that a war of mere conquest in uhich kings tight for material aggrandizement only, must lie beneath the censure of heaven as an offense against lunnanltiinl: and finally, he hesitates not to tell the world that \mr and ruin threaten the land because men have not hearkened unto the voice of God, because men have hardened their hearts, because men have risen up against God and against His Christ, because men have despised revealed wisdom, and fashioned “Iii” tjheinselvis strange Igods. iIn his prayer for peace, in his a nm e mvan s war, in iis ent eavor to miti ate war’s h r tenedit-t .\‘\ is but following the traditional pilicy of the Chili: when in times past war has devastated the land, and filled the earth with its carnage, then the Catholic Church has sought at least to mitigate its evils. May I recall, in passing, “the truce of God” and its beneficent effects. May I recall that from the “truce of God” has come our international law, our international arbitration. May I recall the Religious Orders established to redeem the captive, to furnish solace to those whom war had rendered useless and outcasts. May I recall the great Democratic revival under the gentle St. Francis, which helped to break the power of the feudal lord, and did more than anything else to stop that bloodshed and pillage for which there was neither law nor right. May I recall the efforts of our Holy Father to bring truce at the last Christmastide, and the efiorts he is now making to stop carnage before the cup of bitterness overflows. And so, traditionally, the great Church stands for peace, and permits war only when in honor aggression demands resistance, only when human rights can in no other way be guaranteed. In keeping with the same traditions, when war has brought ruin, the Church has tried to mitigate its horrors, and in ways known to herself, to bring combatants to a realization of those things which make in the end for honorable peace. If then you ask, does the Ancient Church stand to-day for peace, I can but point to her honorable record through the ages. If you ask, does the Ancient Church do aught to bring peace, I can but point to the action of Benedict XV and the Bishops of Europe, in the struggle which to-day paralyzes the earth. If you ask, does the Ancient Church point the way to a new “peace of God,” I can tell you of prayer to the God of battles, I can tell you of her doctrine on the value of human life, of man’s mighty dignity and mighty place, and in the light of that doctrine, through the centuries. I can point triumphantly to the teaching of her Doctors, in ac— The christian code begets a spirit that is uncommonly uncongenial with “an The character engendered by the following cordance with which war is unjust when carried on save for national honor, national integrity, human rights. I can point to her traditions in accordance with which all the kingdoms of earth, and all earth’s treasure can not compare for a moment to the loss of human life and the value of the human soul. If you ask, can the Church to-day help actively in restoring the world to the pursuits of peace, I can but tell you that she has no terri- iil.i.iI-'.§.‘Jit“iii3.111111if:‘hfiff‘iidiiiicFifiti”m is W5“ appalling hi“ til treas’i‘ure Itec01ne:rli:1::00n]\~ lilrISt ‘Vary Wlth Its sinn takes place. becomes riirht only then lib “rtlr'en adtfml aggrestimelup inherent human rin‘hts areitl ' (I > a? r€€d0m t0 prewnt
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