Syntax of multiple questions in Tundra Nenets

• Main Author: Mus, Nikolett
• Format: Article in Journal/Newspaper
• Language: English
• Published: University of Szeged 2022
• Subjects: multiple wh-questions; Superiority Condition; intervention effects; Specificity Filter; wh-object agreement; nenets; Tundra
• Online Access: https://ojs.bibl.u-szeged.hu/index.php/stualtaica/article/view/44321

The paper discusses the relative order and syntactic position of wh-phrases in Tundra Nenets multiple wh-questions. Contrary to previous proposals, it will be argued that the wh-phrases in multiple wh-questions are rigidly ordered and their order is constrained by the Specificity Filter. Evidence on the application of the Specificity Filter comes from the ungrammaticality of certain relative orders, i.e. *how-any wh-phrase, and the answers that are given to the multiple wh-questions, i.e. the answer does not specify values for the first wh-phrase but it pairs X and Y in both cases. Thus, the first wh-phrase in the construction is interpreted as a distributive universal quantifier. This is supported by the fact that the first wh-phrase can trigger object agreement on verbs (that is otherwise not possible in the case of wh-objects). Additionally, the wh-sequence can be preceded by elements that normally cause Intervention effects in single wh-questions, but a focussed expression cannot precede them. So in Tundra Nenets multiple wh-questions at least the first wh-phrase undergoes movement and it supposedly appears in the topic position.