Metrically conditioned pitch and layered feet in Chugach Alutiiq
This article presents a reanalysis of the foot-based phonology of Chugach Alutiiq (henceforth CA), a language that displays a complex mixed ternary–binary rhythm, as well as metrically conditioned distributions of pitch, fortition and vowel lengthening. Elaborating on earlier analyses of CA that had...
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| Language: | English |
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Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas
2016
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| Online Access: | https://loquens.revistas.csic.es/index.php/loquens/article/view/35 https://doi.org/10.3989/loquens.2016.030 |
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| topic |
metrical phonology phonological representations ternary stress metrically conditioned pitch fonología métrica representaciones fonológicas acento ternario tono condicionado por la estructura métrica |
| spellingShingle |
metrical phonology phonological representations ternary stress metrically conditioned pitch fonología métrica representaciones fonológicas acento ternario tono condicionado por la estructura métrica Martínez-Paricio, Violeta Kager, René Metrically conditioned pitch and layered feet in Chugach Alutiiq |
| topic_facet |
metrical phonology phonological representations ternary stress metrically conditioned pitch fonología métrica representaciones fonológicas acento ternario tono condicionado por la estructura métrica |
| description |
This article presents a reanalysis of the foot-based phonology of Chugach Alutiiq (henceforth CA), a language that displays a complex mixed ternary–binary rhythm, as well as metrically conditioned distributions of pitch, fortition and vowel lengthening. Elaborating on earlier analyses of CA that had posited some kind of ternary constituent (Hewitt, 1991, 1992; Leer, 1985a, 1985b, 1985c; Rice, 1992), we propose CA should be analyzed by means of the Internally Layered Ternary (ILT) foot, a minimal recursive foot (Prince, 1980; Selkirk, 1980), which was recently revived in a typological study of binary–ternary stress (Martínez-Paricio & Kager, 2015). It will be argued that ILT feet capture CA’s puzzling dual behavior of unstressed and stressed syllables straightforwardly by referring to the status of syllables as heads or dependents of minimal or non-minimal feet. After showing the value of ILT feet in the analysis of CA rhythmic and segmental patterns, we turn to our analytical focus, the distributions of high and low pitch. This distribution is arguably metrically conditioned, yet an analysis based on stress or standard binary feet cannot capture it, whereas the ILT approach can. To highlight the advantages of our approach, we end by offering brief comparisons with previous analyses of CA. Este artículo presenta un reanálisis de diversos aspectos fonológicos de la lengua esquimal Chugach Alutiiq (de ahora en adelante, CA): la asignación de acentos rítmicos (binarios y ternarios), la distribución de los tonos alto y bajo, el fortalecimiento de algunas consonantes y el alargamiento de determinadas vocales. Influidos por análisis previos de la lengua que postularon la existencia de algún tipo de constituyente prosódico ternario en CA (Hewitt, 1991, 1992; Leer 1985a, 1985b, 1985c; Rice, 1992), proponemos que la fonología métrica de CA debe analizarse por medio de un pie Ternario Mínimamente Recursivo (TMR); estas estructuras fueron originariamente propuestas por Prince (1980) y Selkirk (1980), y han sido ... |
| format |
Article in Journal/Newspaper |
| author |
Martínez-Paricio, Violeta Kager, René |
| author_facet |
Martínez-Paricio, Violeta Kager, René |
| author_sort |
Martínez-Paricio, Violeta |
| title |
Metrically conditioned pitch and layered feet in Chugach Alutiiq |
| title_short |
Metrically conditioned pitch and layered feet in Chugach Alutiiq |
| title_full |
Metrically conditioned pitch and layered feet in Chugach Alutiiq |
| title_fullStr |
Metrically conditioned pitch and layered feet in Chugach Alutiiq |
| title_full_unstemmed |
Metrically conditioned pitch and layered feet in Chugach Alutiiq |
| title_sort |
metrically conditioned pitch and layered feet in chugach alutiiq |
| publisher |
Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas |
| publishDate |
2016 |
| url |
https://loquens.revistas.csic.es/index.php/loquens/article/view/35 https://doi.org/10.3989/loquens.2016.030 |
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ENVELOPE(-59.788,-59.788,-62.526,-62.526) ENVELOPE(-62.183,-62.183,-64.650,-64.650) |
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Lengua Martínez |
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Lengua Martínez |
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alutiiq |
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alutiiq |
| op_source |
Loquens; Vol. 3 No. 2 (2016); e030 Loquens; Vol. 3 Núm. 2 (2016); e030 2386-2637 10.3989/loquens.2016.v3.i2 |
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https://loquens.revistas.csic.es/index.php/loquens/article/view/35/105 https://loquens.revistas.csic.es/index.php/loquens/article/view/35/106 https://loquens.revistas.csic.es/index.php/loquens/article/view/35/107 Beckman, J. N. (1998). Positional faithfulness (Doctoral dissertation). University of Massachussetts Amherst. Retrieved from http://roa.rutgers.edu/files/234-1297/234-1297-BECKMAN-6-0.PDF Bennett, R. T. (2012). Foot-conditioned phonotactics and prosodic constituency (Doctoral dissertation). Santa Cruz: University of California. Bickmore, L. S. (1995). Tone and stress in Lamba. Phonology, 12(3), 307–341. http://oadoi.org/10.1017/S0952675700002542 https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675700002542 Buckley, E. (2009). Locality in metrical typology. Phonology, 26(3), 389–435. http://oadoi.org/10.1017/S0952675709990224 https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675709990224 Crowhurst, M. J. (1992). Minimality and foot structure in metrical phonology and prosodic morphology. Bloomington, IL: Indiana University Linguistics Club. Davis, S., & Cho, M.?H. (2003). The distribution of aspirated stops and /h/ in American English and Korean: An alignment approach with typological implications. Linguistics, 41(4), 607–652. https://doi.org/10.1515/ling.2003.020 De Lacy, P. (2002). The interaction of tone and stress in Optimality Theory. Phonology, 19(1), 1–32. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675702004220 De Lacy, P. (2004). Markedness conflation in Optimality Theory. Phonology, 21(2), 145–199. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675704000193 De Lacy, P. (2006). Markedness: Reduction and preservation in phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511486388 Dresher, B. E., & Lahiri, A. (1991). The Germanic foot: Metrical coherence in Old English. Linguistic Inquiry, 22(2), 251–286. Elenbaas, N., & Kager, R. (1999). Ternary rhythm and the lapse constraint. Phonology, 16(3), 273–329. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675799003772 Goldsmith, J. (1976). Autosegmental phonology (Doctoral dissertation). MIT [Published in 1979, New York: Garland]. Goldsmith, J. (1987). Tone and accent, and getting the two together. In J. Aske, N. Beery, L. Michaelis & H. Filip (Eds.), Proceedings of the 13th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistic Society (pp. 88–104). https://doi.org/10.3765/bls.v13i0.1827 Gordon, M. (2002). A factorial typology of quantity-insensitive stress. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, 20(3), 491–552. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1015810531699 Green, T., & Kenstowicz, M. (1996). The lapse constraint. Proceedings of the 6th Annual Meeting of the Formal Linguistics Society of the Midwest (pp. 1–15). Grijzenhout, J. (1990). Modern Icelandic foot formation. In R. Bok?Bennema & P. Coopmans (Eds.), Linguistics in the Netherlands (pp. 53–62). Dordrecht: Foris. Gussenhoven, C. (2004). The phonology of tone and intonation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511616983 Halle, M. (1990). Respecting metrical structure. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, 8(2), 149–176. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00208522 Halle, M., & Vergnaud, J.?R. (1987). An essay on stress. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Hammond, M. (1995). Deriving ternarity. University of Arizona Linguistics Circle. Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/10150/311745. Hayes, B. P. (1980/1985). A metrical theory of stress rules. New York: Garland Press. Hayes, B. (1995). Metrical stress theory: Principles and case studies. Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press. Hewitt, M. S. (1991). Binarity and ternarity in Alutiiq. In J. Ann & K. Yoshimura (Eds.), Proceedings of Arizona phonology conference, Vol. 4 (pp. 44–60). Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227270 Hewitt, M. S. (1992). Vertical maximization and metrical theory (Doctoral dissertation). Waltham, MA: Brandeis University. Houghton, P. (2006). Ternary stress. Amherst: University of Massachusetts. Retrieved from http://roa.rutgers.edu/files/836-0606/836-HOUGHTON-0-0.PDF Hulst, H. van der (2010). A note on recursion in phonology. In H. v. d. Hulst (Ed.), Recursion and human language. De Gruyter Mouton. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110219258.299 Hyde, B. (2001). Metrical and prosodic structure in optimality theory (Doctoral dissertation). New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University. Hyde, B. (2002). A restrictive theory of metrical stress. Phonology, 19(3), 313–359. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675703004391 Hyde, B. (2015). Overlap, recursion, and ternary constructions. Paper presented at the Workshop on Formal Typologies, Rutgers University. Hyman, L. M. (1985). A theory of phonological weight. Dordrecht: Foris. Idsardi, W. J. (1992). The computation of prosody (Doctoral dissertation). Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Ito, J., & Mester, A. (2007). Prosodic adjunction in Japanese compounds. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, 55, 97–111. Ito, J., & Mester, A. (2009). The onset of the prosodic word. In S. Parker (Ed.), Phonological argumentation: Essays on evidence and motivation (pp. 227–260). London: Equinox. Ito, J., & Mester, A. (2013). Prosodic subcategories in Japanese. Lingua, 124, 20–40. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2012.08.016 Jacobson, S. (1985). Siberian Yupik and Central Yupik prosody. In M. Krauss (Ed.), Yupik Eskimo prosodic systems: Descriptive and comparative studies (pp. 25–46). Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska. Jensen, J. T. (2000). Against ambisyllabicity. Phonology, 17(2), 187–235. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675700003912 Kager, R. (1989). A metrical theory of stress and destressing in English and Dutch. Dordrecht: Foris. PMCid:PMC171457 Kager, R. (1993). Alternatives to the iambic-trochaic law. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, 11(3), 381–432. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00993165 Kager, R. (1994). Ternary rhythm in alignment theory. Retrieved from http://roa.rutgers.edu/files/35-1094/35-1094-KAGER-0-0.PDF Kager, R. (2012). Stress in windows: Language typology and factorial typology. Lingua, 122(13), 1454–1493. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2012.06.005 Kager, R., & Martínez-Paricio, V. (forthcoming a). The internally layered foot in Dutch. Kager, R., & Martínez-Paricio, V. (forthcoming b). Mora and syllable accentuation–Typology and representation. Leer, J. (1985a). Prosody in Alutiiq. In M. Krauss (Ed.), Yupik Eskimo prosodic systems: Descriptive and comparative studies (pp. 77–134). Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska. Leer, J. (1985b). Evolution of prosody in the Yupik languages. In M. Krauss (Ed.), Yupik Eskimo prosodic systems: Descriptive and comparative studies (pp. 135–158). Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska. Leer, J. (1985c). Toward a metrical interpretation of Yupik prosody. In M. Krauss (Ed.), Yupik Eskimo prosodic systems: Descriptive and comparative studies (pp. 159–173). Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska. Liberman, M. (1975). The intonational system of English (Doctoral dissertation). Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Liberman, M., & Prince, A. (1977). On stress and linguistic rhythm. Linguistic Inquiry, 8(2), 249–336. |
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ftjloquens:oai:loquens.revistas.csic.es:article/35 2024-06-23T07:45:20+00:00 Metrically conditioned pitch and layered feet in Chugach Alutiiq Tonos condicionados por la estructura métrica y pies mínimamente recursivos en Chugach Alutiiq Martínez-Paricio, Violeta Kager, René 2016-12-30 text/html application/pdf application/xml https://loquens.revistas.csic.es/index.php/loquens/article/view/35 https://doi.org/10.3989/loquens.2016.030 eng eng Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas https://loquens.revistas.csic.es/index.php/loquens/article/view/35/105 https://loquens.revistas.csic.es/index.php/loquens/article/view/35/106 https://loquens.revistas.csic.es/index.php/loquens/article/view/35/107 Beckman, J. N. (1998). Positional faithfulness (Doctoral dissertation). University of Massachussetts Amherst. Retrieved from http://roa.rutgers.edu/files/234-1297/234-1297-BECKMAN-6-0.PDF Bennett, R. T. (2012). Foot-conditioned phonotactics and prosodic constituency (Doctoral dissertation). Santa Cruz: University of California. Bickmore, L. S. (1995). Tone and stress in Lamba. Phonology, 12(3), 307–341. http://oadoi.org/10.1017/S0952675700002542 https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675700002542 Buckley, E. (2009). Locality in metrical typology. Phonology, 26(3), 389–435. http://oadoi.org/10.1017/S0952675709990224 https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675709990224 Crowhurst, M. J. (1992). Minimality and foot structure in metrical phonology and prosodic morphology. Bloomington, IL: Indiana University Linguistics Club. Davis, S., & Cho, M.?H. (2003). The distribution of aspirated stops and /h/ in American English and Korean: An alignment approach with typological implications. Linguistics, 41(4), 607–652. https://doi.org/10.1515/ling.2003.020 De Lacy, P. (2002). The interaction of tone and stress in Optimality Theory. Phonology, 19(1), 1–32. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675702004220 De Lacy, P. (2004). Markedness conflation in Optimality Theory. Phonology, 21(2), 145–199. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675704000193 De Lacy, P. (2006). Markedness: Reduction and preservation in phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511486388 Dresher, B. E., & Lahiri, A. (1991). The Germanic foot: Metrical coherence in Old English. Linguistic Inquiry, 22(2), 251–286. Elenbaas, N., & Kager, R. (1999). Ternary rhythm and the lapse constraint. Phonology, 16(3), 273–329. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675799003772 Goldsmith, J. (1976). Autosegmental phonology (Doctoral dissertation). MIT [Published in 1979, New York: Garland]. Goldsmith, J. (1987). Tone and accent, and getting the two together. In J. Aske, N. Beery, L. Michaelis & H. Filip (Eds.), Proceedings of the 13th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistic Society (pp. 88–104). https://doi.org/10.3765/bls.v13i0.1827 Gordon, M. (2002). A factorial typology of quantity-insensitive stress. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, 20(3), 491–552. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1015810531699 Green, T., & Kenstowicz, M. (1996). The lapse constraint. Proceedings of the 6th Annual Meeting of the Formal Linguistics Society of the Midwest (pp. 1–15). Grijzenhout, J. (1990). Modern Icelandic foot formation. In R. Bok?Bennema & P. Coopmans (Eds.), Linguistics in the Netherlands (pp. 53–62). Dordrecht: Foris. Gussenhoven, C. (2004). The phonology of tone and intonation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511616983 Halle, M. (1990). Respecting metrical structure. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, 8(2), 149–176. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00208522 Halle, M., & Vergnaud, J.?R. (1987). An essay on stress. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Hammond, M. (1995). Deriving ternarity. University of Arizona Linguistics Circle. Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/10150/311745. Hayes, B. P. (1980/1985). A metrical theory of stress rules. New York: Garland Press. Hayes, B. (1995). Metrical stress theory: Principles and case studies. Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press. Hewitt, M. S. (1991). Binarity and ternarity in Alutiiq. In J. Ann & K. Yoshimura (Eds.), Proceedings of Arizona phonology conference, Vol. 4 (pp. 44–60). Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227270 Hewitt, M. S. (1992). Vertical maximization and metrical theory (Doctoral dissertation). Waltham, MA: Brandeis University. Houghton, P. (2006). Ternary stress. Amherst: University of Massachusetts. Retrieved from http://roa.rutgers.edu/files/836-0606/836-HOUGHTON-0-0.PDF Hulst, H. van der (2010). A note on recursion in phonology. In H. v. d. Hulst (Ed.), Recursion and human language. De Gruyter Mouton. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110219258.299 Hyde, B. (2001). Metrical and prosodic structure in optimality theory (Doctoral dissertation). New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University. Hyde, B. (2002). A restrictive theory of metrical stress. Phonology, 19(3), 313–359. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675703004391 Hyde, B. (2015). Overlap, recursion, and ternary constructions. Paper presented at the Workshop on Formal Typologies, Rutgers University. Hyman, L. M. (1985). A theory of phonological weight. Dordrecht: Foris. Idsardi, W. J. (1992). The computation of prosody (Doctoral dissertation). Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Ito, J., & Mester, A. (2007). Prosodic adjunction in Japanese compounds. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, 55, 97–111. Ito, J., & Mester, A. (2009). The onset of the prosodic word. In S. Parker (Ed.), Phonological argumentation: Essays on evidence and motivation (pp. 227–260). London: Equinox. Ito, J., & Mester, A. (2013). Prosodic subcategories in Japanese. Lingua, 124, 20–40. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2012.08.016 Jacobson, S. (1985). Siberian Yupik and Central Yupik prosody. In M. Krauss (Ed.), Yupik Eskimo prosodic systems: Descriptive and comparative studies (pp. 25–46). Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska. Jensen, J. T. (2000). Against ambisyllabicity. Phonology, 17(2), 187–235. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675700003912 Kager, R. (1989). A metrical theory of stress and destressing in English and Dutch. Dordrecht: Foris. PMCid:PMC171457 Kager, R. (1993). Alternatives to the iambic-trochaic law. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, 11(3), 381–432. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00993165 Kager, R. (1994). Ternary rhythm in alignment theory. Retrieved from http://roa.rutgers.edu/files/35-1094/35-1094-KAGER-0-0.PDF Kager, R. (2012). Stress in windows: Language typology and factorial typology. Lingua, 122(13), 1454–1493. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2012.06.005 Kager, R., & Martínez-Paricio, V. (forthcoming a). The internally layered foot in Dutch. Kager, R., & Martínez-Paricio, V. (forthcoming b). Mora and syllable accentuation–Typology and representation. Leer, J. (1985a). Prosody in Alutiiq. In M. Krauss (Ed.), Yupik Eskimo prosodic systems: Descriptive and comparative studies (pp. 77–134). Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska. Leer, J. (1985b). Evolution of prosody in the Yupik languages. In M. Krauss (Ed.), Yupik Eskimo prosodic systems: Descriptive and comparative studies (pp. 135–158). Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska. Leer, J. (1985c). Toward a metrical interpretation of Yupik prosody. In M. Krauss (Ed.), Yupik Eskimo prosodic systems: Descriptive and comparative studies (pp. 159–173). Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska. Liberman, M. (1975). The intonational system of English (Doctoral dissertation). Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Liberman, M., & Prince, A. (1977). On stress and linguistic rhythm. Linguistic Inquiry, 8(2), 249–336. Copyright (c) 2016 Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas (CSIC) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 Loquens; Vol. 3 No. 2 (2016); e030 Loquens; Vol. 3 Núm. 2 (2016); e030 2386-2637 10.3989/loquens.2016.v3.i2 metrical phonology phonological representations ternary stress metrically conditioned pitch fonología métrica representaciones fonológicas acento ternario tono condicionado por la estructura métrica info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article 2016 ftjloquens https://doi.org/10.3989/loquens.2016.03010.3989/loquens.2016.v3.i210.1017/S095267570000254210.1017/S095267570999022410.1017/S095267570200422010.1017/S095267570400019310.1017/CBO978051148638810.1017/CBO978051161698310.1515/9783110219258.29910.1017/S0952675 2024-06-05T03:00:31Z This article presents a reanalysis of the foot-based phonology of Chugach Alutiiq (henceforth CA), a language that displays a complex mixed ternary–binary rhythm, as well as metrically conditioned distributions of pitch, fortition and vowel lengthening. Elaborating on earlier analyses of CA that had posited some kind of ternary constituent (Hewitt, 1991, 1992; Leer, 1985a, 1985b, 1985c; Rice, 1992), we propose CA should be analyzed by means of the Internally Layered Ternary (ILT) foot, a minimal recursive foot (Prince, 1980; Selkirk, 1980), which was recently revived in a typological study of binary–ternary stress (Martínez-Paricio & Kager, 2015). It will be argued that ILT feet capture CA’s puzzling dual behavior of unstressed and stressed syllables straightforwardly by referring to the status of syllables as heads or dependents of minimal or non-minimal feet. After showing the value of ILT feet in the analysis of CA rhythmic and segmental patterns, we turn to our analytical focus, the distributions of high and low pitch. This distribution is arguably metrically conditioned, yet an analysis based on stress or standard binary feet cannot capture it, whereas the ILT approach can. To highlight the advantages of our approach, we end by offering brief comparisons with previous analyses of CA. Este artículo presenta un reanálisis de diversos aspectos fonológicos de la lengua esquimal Chugach Alutiiq (de ahora en adelante, CA): la asignación de acentos rítmicos (binarios y ternarios), la distribución de los tonos alto y bajo, el fortalecimiento de algunas consonantes y el alargamiento de determinadas vocales. Influidos por análisis previos de la lengua que postularon la existencia de algún tipo de constituyente prosódico ternario en CA (Hewitt, 1991, 1992; Leer 1985a, 1985b, 1985c; Rice, 1992), proponemos que la fonología métrica de CA debe analizarse por medio de un pie Ternario Mínimamente Recursivo (TMR); estas estructuras fueron originariamente propuestas por Prince (1980) y Selkirk (1980), y han sido ... Article in Journal/Newspaper alutiiq Loquens Lengua ENVELOPE(-59.788,-59.788,-62.526,-62.526) Martínez ENVELOPE(-62.183,-62.183,-64.650,-64.650) Loquens 3 2 030 |