ПОЛІТИКА ПОЛЬЩІ – НА ВІСТРІ ІНТЕРЕСІВ США
Стаття присвячена мотивації Республіки Польща в стратегічному виборі партнера, яким виявились Сполучені Штати Америки. Партнера, що забезпечує безпеку, захист, нарешті, суверенітет і територіальну цілісність. Відносини Республіки Польща – США є не тільки пізнавальними з точки зору знань і досвіду фо...
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Format: | Article in Journal/Newspaper |
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NTUU “KPI” PPI PPC “Polytechnica”
2018
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Online Access: | http://visnyk-psp.kpi.ua/article/view/194238 |
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Open Polar |
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Electrical Engineering and Power Engineering (EE&PE - E-Journal) |
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Ukrainian |
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Республіка Польща США стратегії Україна НАТО ЄС УДК 94:327(438+73+477) Republic of Poland USA strategy Ukraine NATO EU UDC 94:327(438+73+477) |
spellingShingle |
Республіка Польща США стратегії Україна НАТО ЄС УДК 94:327(438+73+477) Republic of Poland USA strategy Ukraine NATO EU UDC 94:327(438+73+477) Чекаленко, Л. Д. ПОЛІТИКА ПОЛЬЩІ – НА ВІСТРІ ІНТЕРЕСІВ США |
topic_facet |
Республіка Польща США стратегії Україна НАТО ЄС УДК 94:327(438+73+477) Republic of Poland USA strategy Ukraine NATO EU UDC 94:327(438+73+477) |
description |
Стаття присвячена мотивації Республіки Польща в стратегічному виборі партнера, яким виявились Сполучені Штати Америки. Партнера, що забезпечує безпеку, захист, нарешті, суверенітет і територіальну цілісність. Відносини Республіки Польща – США є не тільки пізнавальними з точки зору знань і досвіду формування стратегії зовнішньої політики, а є корисними з огляду сусідства Польщі з Україною. Польщі, яка також перебувала в радянському таборі. Україна може опертися на політичний і дипломатичний багаж польської сторони, досконально опанувати систему наступу і відходу, наполегливості й рішучості, очікування і витримки, якщо все це оберне на власний патріотизм і боротьбу за суверенність. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Poland turned out to be between the two creatures of power. The Federal Republic of Germany initially reluctantly perceived the Polish frontier, which was the subject of lengthy negotiations. Finally, the united Germany recognized the border along the Oder and Neisse in November 1990, and ratified the documents in December 1991. In turn, the Soviet Union, and since December 1991 – Russia – hastened to withdraw its troops from the Polish territory. After negotiations that lasted throughout the year – from September 1990 to October 1991 – a plan for the withdrawal of Russian troops was realised. The last soldier of the former Red Army left the Polish territory on September 18, 1993.In this situation Poland set one long-term, allied relationship with the United States as one of the strategic objectives of its own foreign policy, since only the United States at that time could protect a new democracy from external attacks of former empires. At the same time, we note that the relations of the Allies were called as strategic by the Poles themselves, not the Americans, and secondly, Poland did everything possible and impossible to be called an ally of the United States. Even threatened its membership in the European Union when the Poland supported United States in its military company against Iraq. The Polish calculation was justified: security could only be provided by the United States through membership in the North Atlantic Alliance. The United States "pulled" Poland into both NATO membership and membership of the EU, thus condemning the Poles to almost 80% of the external debt, adding enormous loans.Consequently, with the collapse of the Warsaw Military Bloc, Poland implements two main pillars: the path to NATO membership and the path to EU membership. The pursuit of NATO has always been the number one priority. Since 1989, the Poles see the United States as the main guarantor of their national security. On the other hand, Washington itself was deeply interested in spreading influence on the post-Soviet bloc, looking for support points in it.Poland, which was not only a buffer in the early stages of NATO's expansion to the East, but also an active participant and "leader" of all other "democracies" in the Alliance's security space, proved to bethe backbone. The North Atlantic Alliance, a key component of the United States, has been cementing Polish-American security cooperation for decades. In 2010, on the initiative of Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski and US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, the Strategic Dialogue launched in 2004 was reinstated. Poland was admitted to NATO with the Czech Republic and Hungary in March 1999, while join- ing the European Union was delayed until May 2004. Poland's realization of the European vector of the Eastern policy of the EU, faced with Russia's severe opposition, considered it as an intervention in its sphere of influence, gave Poland the opportunity to strengthen its position in the EU and NATO. The base of missile interceptors should be built up in Poland and with them also other defence systems. Russian-Georgian war in the first half of August 2008 intensified the mentioned process. Poland went to meet the US, increasing its military contingent in Afghanistan.But new US president Obama declared that if he eliminated the threat of Iran's nuclear and missile program, then it would not make sense to continue to build a missile shield in Europe.22 known politicians from Eastern Europe (including four Poles) at 16th of July warning Obama to stop support Russia. As a result a bilateral agreement on the status of forces (so-called SOFA) was signed on December 11, in Warsaw. As a result of Russia's aggression against Ukraine – the United States has actively deployed military cooperation with Poland, providing 12 F-16 fighters from the base in Aviano and 200 personnel in spring 2014. The program also provides long-range missiles JASSM for the Polish F-16. In addition, cyber defence is currently underway. The bilateral dialogue on this issue is being held in regular meetings of the Advisory Group on Strategic Cooperation (SCCG) and the High Level Group on Security (HLDG).Russia's aggressive actions against Ukraine dramatically changed the security situation around Poland and Europe at all. The concept introduces the expansion and unification of the European Union's Active Ballistic Missile Defence (ALTBMD) anti-missile defence system with American missile defence systems in Europe (radar in Turkey, bases in Romania and Poland, ships with Aegis systems in the Mediterranean).The priorities of Polish foreign policy was declared in March 2012 – in the new strategy of foreign policy. It was the first since 1989 a key document defining vectors of Polish diplomacy too. So "The strategy of Polish foreign policy 2017–2021" confirmed the priorities of the Polish state. |
format |
Article in Journal/Newspaper |
author |
Чекаленко, Л. Д. |
author_facet |
Чекаленко, Л. Д. |
author_sort |
Чекаленко, Л. Д. |
title |
ПОЛІТИКА ПОЛЬЩІ – НА ВІСТРІ ІНТЕРЕСІВ США |
title_short |
ПОЛІТИКА ПОЛЬЩІ – НА ВІСТРІ ІНТЕРЕСІВ США |
title_full |
ПОЛІТИКА ПОЛЬЩІ – НА ВІСТРІ ІНТЕРЕСІВ США |
title_fullStr |
ПОЛІТИКА ПОЛЬЩІ – НА ВІСТРІ ІНТЕРЕСІВ США |
title_full_unstemmed |
ПОЛІТИКА ПОЛЬЩІ – НА ВІСТРІ ІНТЕРЕСІВ США |
title_sort |
політика польщі – на вістрі інтересів сша |
publisher |
NTUU “KPI” PPI PPC “Polytechnica” |
publishDate |
2018 |
url |
http://visnyk-psp.kpi.ua/article/view/194238 |
genre |
North Atlantic |
genre_facet |
North Atlantic |
op_source |
National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law; № 4(40) (2018); 62-66 Вісник НТУУ "КПІ" Політологія. Соціологія. Право; № 4(40) (2018); 62-66 2308-5053 |
op_relation |
http://visnyk-psp.kpi.ua/article/view/194238/194352 http://visnyk-psp.kpi.ua/article/view/194238 |
op_rights |
Copyright (c) 2021 National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law Copyright (c) 2021 Вісник НТУУ "КПІ" Політологія. Соціологія. Право |
_version_ |
1766137158030065664 |
spelling |
ftjeepe:oai:ojs.journals.uran.ua:article/194238 2023-05-15T17:37:18+02:00 ПОЛІТИКА ПОЛЬЩІ – НА ВІСТРІ ІНТЕРЕСІВ США The policy of Poland is at the peak of USA interests Чекаленко, Л. Д. 2018-12-10 application/pdf http://visnyk-psp.kpi.ua/article/view/194238 ukr ukr NTUU “KPI” PPI PPC “Polytechnica” http://visnyk-psp.kpi.ua/article/view/194238/194352 http://visnyk-psp.kpi.ua/article/view/194238 Copyright (c) 2021 National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law Copyright (c) 2021 Вісник НТУУ "КПІ" Політологія. Соціологія. Право National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law; № 4(40) (2018); 62-66 Вісник НТУУ "КПІ" Політологія. Соціологія. Право; № 4(40) (2018); 62-66 2308-5053 Республіка Польща США стратегії Україна НАТО ЄС УДК 94:327(438+73+477) Republic of Poland USA strategy Ukraine NATO EU UDC 94:327(438+73+477) info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion 2018 ftjeepe 2021-01-05T00:37:39Z Стаття присвячена мотивації Республіки Польща в стратегічному виборі партнера, яким виявились Сполучені Штати Америки. Партнера, що забезпечує безпеку, захист, нарешті, суверенітет і територіальну цілісність. Відносини Республіки Польща – США є не тільки пізнавальними з точки зору знань і досвіду формування стратегії зовнішньої політики, а є корисними з огляду сусідства Польщі з Україною. Польщі, яка також перебувала в радянському таборі. Україна може опертися на політичний і дипломатичний багаж польської сторони, досконально опанувати систему наступу і відходу, наполегливості й рішучості, очікування і витримки, якщо все це оберне на власний патріотизм і боротьбу за суверенність. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Poland turned out to be between the two creatures of power. The Federal Republic of Germany initially reluctantly perceived the Polish frontier, which was the subject of lengthy negotiations. Finally, the united Germany recognized the border along the Oder and Neisse in November 1990, and ratified the documents in December 1991. In turn, the Soviet Union, and since December 1991 – Russia – hastened to withdraw its troops from the Polish territory. After negotiations that lasted throughout the year – from September 1990 to October 1991 – a plan for the withdrawal of Russian troops was realised. The last soldier of the former Red Army left the Polish territory on September 18, 1993.In this situation Poland set one long-term, allied relationship with the United States as one of the strategic objectives of its own foreign policy, since only the United States at that time could protect a new democracy from external attacks of former empires. At the same time, we note that the relations of the Allies were called as strategic by the Poles themselves, not the Americans, and secondly, Poland did everything possible and impossible to be called an ally of the United States. Even threatened its membership in the European Union when the Poland supported United States in its military company against Iraq. The Polish calculation was justified: security could only be provided by the United States through membership in the North Atlantic Alliance. The United States "pulled" Poland into both NATO membership and membership of the EU, thus condemning the Poles to almost 80% of the external debt, adding enormous loans.Consequently, with the collapse of the Warsaw Military Bloc, Poland implements two main pillars: the path to NATO membership and the path to EU membership. The pursuit of NATO has always been the number one priority. Since 1989, the Poles see the United States as the main guarantor of their national security. On the other hand, Washington itself was deeply interested in spreading influence on the post-Soviet bloc, looking for support points in it.Poland, which was not only a buffer in the early stages of NATO's expansion to the East, but also an active participant and "leader" of all other "democracies" in the Alliance's security space, proved to bethe backbone. The North Atlantic Alliance, a key component of the United States, has been cementing Polish-American security cooperation for decades. In 2010, on the initiative of Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski and US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, the Strategic Dialogue launched in 2004 was reinstated. Poland was admitted to NATO with the Czech Republic and Hungary in March 1999, while join- ing the European Union was delayed until May 2004. Poland's realization of the European vector of the Eastern policy of the EU, faced with Russia's severe opposition, considered it as an intervention in its sphere of influence, gave Poland the opportunity to strengthen its position in the EU and NATO. The base of missile interceptors should be built up in Poland and with them also other defence systems. Russian-Georgian war in the first half of August 2008 intensified the mentioned process. Poland went to meet the US, increasing its military contingent in Afghanistan.But new US president Obama declared that if he eliminated the threat of Iran's nuclear and missile program, then it would not make sense to continue to build a missile shield in Europe.22 known politicians from Eastern Europe (including four Poles) at 16th of July warning Obama to stop support Russia. As a result a bilateral agreement on the status of forces (so-called SOFA) was signed on December 11, in Warsaw. As a result of Russia's aggression against Ukraine – the United States has actively deployed military cooperation with Poland, providing 12 F-16 fighters from the base in Aviano and 200 personnel in spring 2014. The program also provides long-range missiles JASSM for the Polish F-16. In addition, cyber defence is currently underway. The bilateral dialogue on this issue is being held in regular meetings of the Advisory Group on Strategic Cooperation (SCCG) and the High Level Group on Security (HLDG).Russia's aggressive actions against Ukraine dramatically changed the security situation around Poland and Europe at all. The concept introduces the expansion and unification of the European Union's Active Ballistic Missile Defence (ALTBMD) anti-missile defence system with American missile defence systems in Europe (radar in Turkey, bases in Romania and Poland, ships with Aegis systems in the Mediterranean).The priorities of Polish foreign policy was declared in March 2012 – in the new strategy of foreign policy. It was the first since 1989 a key document defining vectors of Polish diplomacy too. So "The strategy of Polish foreign policy 2017–2021" confirmed the priorities of the Polish state. Article in Journal/Newspaper North Atlantic Electrical Engineering and Power Engineering (EE&PE - E-Journal) |