TWO DIALECTS OF NGANASAN: WHAT THEY TELL US ABOUT PROSODY

The Problem The equivalence of long voweled syllables (CVV) and closed syllables (CVC), as opposed to open syllables containing short vowels (CV), is found in many languages under a variety of circumstances. Traditionally, this has been seen as a difference in syllable weight. CVV and CVC are heavy,...

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Main Author: Olga Vaysman
Other Authors: The Pennsylvania State University CiteSeerX Archives
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Language:English
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Online Access:http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/summary?doi=10.1.1.638.997
http://www.meertens.knaw.nl/glow2002/vaysman.pdf
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spelling ftciteseerx:oai:CiteSeerX.psu:10.1.1.638.997 2023-05-15T17:23:38+02:00 TWO DIALECTS OF NGANASAN: WHAT THEY TELL US ABOUT PROSODY Olga Vaysman The Pennsylvania State University CiteSeerX Archives application/pdf http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/summary?doi=10.1.1.638.997 http://www.meertens.knaw.nl/glow2002/vaysman.pdf en eng http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/summary?doi=10.1.1.638.997 http://www.meertens.knaw.nl/glow2002/vaysman.pdf Metadata may be used without restrictions as long as the oai identifier remains attached to it. http://www.meertens.knaw.nl/glow2002/vaysman.pdf text ftciteseerx 2016-01-08T15:50:12Z The Problem The equivalence of long voweled syllables (CVV) and closed syllables (CVC), as opposed to open syllables containing short vowels (CV), is found in many languages under a variety of circumstances. Traditionally, this has been seen as a difference in syllable weight. CVV and CVC are heavy, and CV are light. It has also been shown that in languages with a CV/CVV distinction, CVC syllables do not always pattern with CVV, but may count as light and pattern with CV (e.g. Zec 1988). Under Moraic Theory (Hyman 1985, Prince 1976, 1983, Hayes 1989, among others), the equivalence of CVV and CVC has been captured via bimoraicity. In contrast, in languages where closed syllables pattern with CV, both of these syllables are monomoraic. Recently, there has been several proposals (Rosenthall and van der Hulst 1999, Moren 1998) that closed syllables may vary in weight within one language depending on context, notably constraints on stress placement. According to this approach, contextually-dependent weight is a consequence of constraint interaction that determines the moraicity of coda consonants. This paper focuses on the two theories as applied to prosody-sensitive phenomena in a Uralic Samoyedic language, Nganasan. I present data from two close dialects of the language, Avam and Vadey, and focus on the difference in their treatement of consonant gradation. I argue that while the variable weight-type analysis is necessary, it is insufficient to account for all the relevant Nganasan data from one of the dialects. My proposal can be seen as an extension of the variable weight analysis. Data Source The data in this paper is partly taken from source grammars (Helimsky 1998, Tereshenko 1979, Prokofjev 1937) and subsequently checked with native speakers, and partly comes from field work Text Nganasan* samoyed* Unknown Hayes ENVELOPE(-64.167,-64.167,-66.833,-66.833)
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description The Problem The equivalence of long voweled syllables (CVV) and closed syllables (CVC), as opposed to open syllables containing short vowels (CV), is found in many languages under a variety of circumstances. Traditionally, this has been seen as a difference in syllable weight. CVV and CVC are heavy, and CV are light. It has also been shown that in languages with a CV/CVV distinction, CVC syllables do not always pattern with CVV, but may count as light and pattern with CV (e.g. Zec 1988). Under Moraic Theory (Hyman 1985, Prince 1976, 1983, Hayes 1989, among others), the equivalence of CVV and CVC has been captured via bimoraicity. In contrast, in languages where closed syllables pattern with CV, both of these syllables are monomoraic. Recently, there has been several proposals (Rosenthall and van der Hulst 1999, Moren 1998) that closed syllables may vary in weight within one language depending on context, notably constraints on stress placement. According to this approach, contextually-dependent weight is a consequence of constraint interaction that determines the moraicity of coda consonants. This paper focuses on the two theories as applied to prosody-sensitive phenomena in a Uralic Samoyedic language, Nganasan. I present data from two close dialects of the language, Avam and Vadey, and focus on the difference in their treatement of consonant gradation. I argue that while the variable weight-type analysis is necessary, it is insufficient to account for all the relevant Nganasan data from one of the dialects. My proposal can be seen as an extension of the variable weight analysis. Data Source The data in this paper is partly taken from source grammars (Helimsky 1998, Tereshenko 1979, Prokofjev 1937) and subsequently checked with native speakers, and partly comes from field work
author2 The Pennsylvania State University CiteSeerX Archives
format Text
author Olga Vaysman
spellingShingle Olga Vaysman
TWO DIALECTS OF NGANASAN: WHAT THEY TELL US ABOUT PROSODY
author_facet Olga Vaysman
author_sort Olga Vaysman
title TWO DIALECTS OF NGANASAN: WHAT THEY TELL US ABOUT PROSODY
title_short TWO DIALECTS OF NGANASAN: WHAT THEY TELL US ABOUT PROSODY
title_full TWO DIALECTS OF NGANASAN: WHAT THEY TELL US ABOUT PROSODY
title_fullStr TWO DIALECTS OF NGANASAN: WHAT THEY TELL US ABOUT PROSODY
title_full_unstemmed TWO DIALECTS OF NGANASAN: WHAT THEY TELL US ABOUT PROSODY
title_sort two dialects of nganasan: what they tell us about prosody
url http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/summary?doi=10.1.1.638.997
http://www.meertens.knaw.nl/glow2002/vaysman.pdf
long_lat ENVELOPE(-64.167,-64.167,-66.833,-66.833)
geographic Hayes
geographic_facet Hayes
genre Nganasan*
samoyed*
genre_facet Nganasan*
samoyed*
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http://www.meertens.knaw.nl/glow2002/vaysman.pdf
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