| Summary: | INTRODUCTION Indigenous people living in the Americas have been dispossessed of large tracts of land since first contact with Europeans. Whereas some succumbed to the superior military power of the newcomers and others relinquished their territory in treaty negotiations, still others have seen their homelands diminished in favor of large-scale industrial developments, typically without their assent. Most contemporary First Nations consequently retain only small tracts of their aboriginal territory, and this is debilitating since maintaining a relationship with the land is vital to the continuity of each nation’s distinct way of life. Despite centuries of colonialism, genocide, and environmental degradation, “being out on the land” remains central to satisfying subsistence needs, preserving community solidarity, promoting the integrity of social institutions, enhancing spirituality, and establishing and maintaining an aboriginal identity. Under the circumstances, it is hardly surprising that several First Nations have undertaken cartographic research in order to demonstrate their wide-ranging uses of the land, frequently in conjunction with outside experts who help design and preside over the research. In Canada, for example, many First Nations have turned to Western academics to ensure that research design and data collection are undertaken in ways that are acceptable to a scholarly point of view, particularly if the resulting maps are to be used in cross-cultural negotiations or as evidence in legal proceedings. Yet as productive as this partnership may seem, it inevitably raises a significant methodological problem: how to conduct research in a way that simultaneously satisfies the demands of both academic and aboriginal communities.
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