On Inherent and Dependent Theories of Ergative Case

Abstract This chapter compares the view that ergative case is an inherent case assigned by v to an NP that it theta-marks (the ICT) to the view that ergative case is a dependent case assigned to a higher NP when there is a lower NP in the same local domain (the DCT). First we present instances in wh...

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Main Authors: Baker, Mark C., Bobalijk, Jonathan
Format: Book Part
Language:English
Published: Oxford University Press 2017
Subjects:
Online Access:http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.5
https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/37094/chapter/323330899
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spelling croxfordunivpr:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.5 2024-09-15T18:01:59+00:00 On Inherent and Dependent Theories of Ergative Case Baker, Mark C. Bobalijk, Jonathan 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.5 https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/37094/chapter/323330899 en eng Oxford University Press The Oxford Handbook of Ergativity page 111-134 ISBN 0198739370 9780198739371 9780191802362 book-chapter 2017 croxfordunivpr https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.5 2024-08-27T04:16:20Z Abstract This chapter compares the view that ergative case is an inherent case assigned by v to an NP that it theta-marks (the ICT) to the view that ergative case is a dependent case assigned to a higher NP when there is a lower NP in the same local domain (the DCT). First we present instances in which a nonagent receives ergative case when there is another NP nearby, in applicative constructions in Shipibo, Kalaallisut (West Greenlandic), and Chukchi. Conversely, we present instances in which an agent fails to receive ergative, either because the second NP has been rendered invisible, or because the clause is subsumed within a larger case domain (ECM, causatives). Both data sets support the DCT over the ICT. Finally, we argue that no known language displays a straightforwardly active case pattern—a fact that can be explained by the DCT but not the ICT. Book Part Chukchi greenlandic kalaallisut Oxford University Press 111 134
institution Open Polar
collection Oxford University Press
op_collection_id croxfordunivpr
language English
description Abstract This chapter compares the view that ergative case is an inherent case assigned by v to an NP that it theta-marks (the ICT) to the view that ergative case is a dependent case assigned to a higher NP when there is a lower NP in the same local domain (the DCT). First we present instances in which a nonagent receives ergative case when there is another NP nearby, in applicative constructions in Shipibo, Kalaallisut (West Greenlandic), and Chukchi. Conversely, we present instances in which an agent fails to receive ergative, either because the second NP has been rendered invisible, or because the clause is subsumed within a larger case domain (ECM, causatives). Both data sets support the DCT over the ICT. Finally, we argue that no known language displays a straightforwardly active case pattern—a fact that can be explained by the DCT but not the ICT.
format Book Part
author Baker, Mark C.
Bobalijk, Jonathan
spellingShingle Baker, Mark C.
Bobalijk, Jonathan
On Inherent and Dependent Theories of Ergative Case
author_facet Baker, Mark C.
Bobalijk, Jonathan
author_sort Baker, Mark C.
title On Inherent and Dependent Theories of Ergative Case
title_short On Inherent and Dependent Theories of Ergative Case
title_full On Inherent and Dependent Theories of Ergative Case
title_fullStr On Inherent and Dependent Theories of Ergative Case
title_full_unstemmed On Inherent and Dependent Theories of Ergative Case
title_sort on inherent and dependent theories of ergative case
publisher Oxford University Press
publishDate 2017
url http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.5
https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/37094/chapter/323330899
genre Chukchi
greenlandic
kalaallisut
genre_facet Chukchi
greenlandic
kalaallisut
op_source The Oxford Handbook of Ergativity
page 111-134
ISBN 0198739370 9780198739371 9780191802362
op_doi https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.5
container_start_page 111
op_container_end_page 134
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