Culture and Intelligence

Intelligence needs to be understood in the cultural contexts in which it is displayed. For one thing, people in different cultures have different conceptions (implicit theories) of what intelligence is. Asian and African cultures tend to have broader and more encompassing views of intelligence than...

Full description

Bibliographic Details
Main Author: Sternberg, Robert J.
Format: Book Part
Language:unknown
Published: Oxford University Press 2020
Subjects:
Online Access:http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190236557.013.585
id croxfordunivpr:10.1093/acrefore/9780190236557.013.585
record_format openpolar
spelling croxfordunivpr:10.1093/acrefore/9780190236557.013.585 2023-05-15T16:07:03+02:00 Culture and Intelligence Sternberg, Robert J. 2020 http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190236557.013.585 unknown Oxford University Press Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Psychology reference-entry 2020 croxfordunivpr https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190236557.013.585 2023-04-07T10:25:54Z Intelligence needs to be understood in the cultural contexts in which it is displayed. For one thing, people in different cultures have different conceptions (implicit theories) of what intelligence is. Asian and African cultures tend to have broader and more encompassing views of intelligence than do Western cultures. Asians and Africans place less emphasis on mental speed and more emphasis on social and emotional aspects of behavior, as well as on wisdom. These implicit theories are important because in everyday life, people’s behavior is guided not so much by scores on standardized or other tests but rather by people’s implicit theories. For example, hiring and promotion decisions are usually based on such implicit theories, not on test scores. Studies of performances by people, especially children, in different cultures suggest that the strengths of individuals across cultures are not necessarily well represented by conventional intelligence tests. For example, in some cultures, knowledge of herbal medications used to combat parasitic illnesses, or knowledge of hunting and gathering, or knowledge of how to effectively ice fish, can be more important to assessing intelligence than scores on a standardized test. Eskimo children may know how to navigate across the frozen tundra in the winter without obvious landmarks, yet they may not be able to attain high scores on conventional intelligence tests. Some of those who would score highly on such tests would be unable to do such navigation, to their peril. There is no such thing as a culture-free test of intelligence, and there probably is no test that is genuinely culture-fair either. At best, tests should be culture-relevant, measuring the cognitive and other skills relevant to effectively adapt to particular cultures. These skills are likely to be partially but not fully overlapping across cultures. Thus, intelligence needs to be understood in its cultural contexts, not divorced from such contexts. Book Part eskimo* Tundra Oxford University Press (via Crossref)
institution Open Polar
collection Oxford University Press (via Crossref)
op_collection_id croxfordunivpr
language unknown
description Intelligence needs to be understood in the cultural contexts in which it is displayed. For one thing, people in different cultures have different conceptions (implicit theories) of what intelligence is. Asian and African cultures tend to have broader and more encompassing views of intelligence than do Western cultures. Asians and Africans place less emphasis on mental speed and more emphasis on social and emotional aspects of behavior, as well as on wisdom. These implicit theories are important because in everyday life, people’s behavior is guided not so much by scores on standardized or other tests but rather by people’s implicit theories. For example, hiring and promotion decisions are usually based on such implicit theories, not on test scores. Studies of performances by people, especially children, in different cultures suggest that the strengths of individuals across cultures are not necessarily well represented by conventional intelligence tests. For example, in some cultures, knowledge of herbal medications used to combat parasitic illnesses, or knowledge of hunting and gathering, or knowledge of how to effectively ice fish, can be more important to assessing intelligence than scores on a standardized test. Eskimo children may know how to navigate across the frozen tundra in the winter without obvious landmarks, yet they may not be able to attain high scores on conventional intelligence tests. Some of those who would score highly on such tests would be unable to do such navigation, to their peril. There is no such thing as a culture-free test of intelligence, and there probably is no test that is genuinely culture-fair either. At best, tests should be culture-relevant, measuring the cognitive and other skills relevant to effectively adapt to particular cultures. These skills are likely to be partially but not fully overlapping across cultures. Thus, intelligence needs to be understood in its cultural contexts, not divorced from such contexts.
format Book Part
author Sternberg, Robert J.
spellingShingle Sternberg, Robert J.
Culture and Intelligence
author_facet Sternberg, Robert J.
author_sort Sternberg, Robert J.
title Culture and Intelligence
title_short Culture and Intelligence
title_full Culture and Intelligence
title_fullStr Culture and Intelligence
title_full_unstemmed Culture and Intelligence
title_sort culture and intelligence
publisher Oxford University Press
publishDate 2020
url http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190236557.013.585
genre eskimo*
Tundra
genre_facet eskimo*
Tundra
op_source Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Psychology
op_doi https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190236557.013.585
_version_ 1766403061594456064