Syntactic Change

Abstract Differences in syntactic projection result from changes in lexical features, e.g. by reanalysis. In West Greenlandic factives, subject‐to‐object raising was lost along with the Agree relation that accompanied the edge/EPP feature. Factives also figure prominently in the reanalysis of Latin...

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Main Author: Miller, D. Gary
Format: Book Part
Language:English
Published: Oxford University PressOxford 2010
Subjects:
Online Access:http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199583430.003.0010
https://academic.oup.com/book/27427/chapter/197288075
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spelling croxfordunivpr:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199583430.003.0010 2024-05-19T07:27:56+00:00 Syntactic Change Miller, D. Gary 2010 http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199583430.003.0010 https://academic.oup.com/book/27427/chapter/197288075 en eng Oxford University PressOxford Language Change and Linguistic Theory, Volume II page 230-266 ISBN 0199583439 9780199583430 9780191595288 book-chapter 2010 croxfordunivpr https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199583430.003.0010 2024-05-02T09:31:38Z Abstract Differences in syntactic projection result from changes in lexical features, e.g. by reanalysis. In West Greenlandic factives, subject‐to‐object raising was lost along with the Agree relation that accompanied the edge/EPP feature. Factives also figure prominently in the reanalysis of Latin quod ‘which; because’ to a complementizer ‘that’. Copular deontics originate as passives. In Latin and English, the nominative/accusative case ambiguity of neuters permitted reanalysis to active structures. With non‐neuters, the passive was retained in English and took the new passive infinitive. English preposition doubling (the teacher to whom I gave the book to) is a hypercorrection formalized as failure of copy‐remnant deletion. Split ergativity in Pašto and the Northern Group of Kurdish evolved from frequent use of the perfect passive with an agent phrase that had (quirky) subject properties since Old Persian. The predilection for nominalizations in the Eskimo‐Aleut family is responsible for several chronological layers of ergativity. Book Part aleut eskimo* Eskimo–Aleut greenlandic Oxford University Press
institution Open Polar
collection Oxford University Press
op_collection_id croxfordunivpr
language English
description Abstract Differences in syntactic projection result from changes in lexical features, e.g. by reanalysis. In West Greenlandic factives, subject‐to‐object raising was lost along with the Agree relation that accompanied the edge/EPP feature. Factives also figure prominently in the reanalysis of Latin quod ‘which; because’ to a complementizer ‘that’. Copular deontics originate as passives. In Latin and English, the nominative/accusative case ambiguity of neuters permitted reanalysis to active structures. With non‐neuters, the passive was retained in English and took the new passive infinitive. English preposition doubling (the teacher to whom I gave the book to) is a hypercorrection formalized as failure of copy‐remnant deletion. Split ergativity in Pašto and the Northern Group of Kurdish evolved from frequent use of the perfect passive with an agent phrase that had (quirky) subject properties since Old Persian. The predilection for nominalizations in the Eskimo‐Aleut family is responsible for several chronological layers of ergativity.
format Book Part
author Miller, D. Gary
spellingShingle Miller, D. Gary
Syntactic Change
author_facet Miller, D. Gary
author_sort Miller, D. Gary
title Syntactic Change
title_short Syntactic Change
title_full Syntactic Change
title_fullStr Syntactic Change
title_full_unstemmed Syntactic Change
title_sort syntactic change
publisher Oxford University PressOxford
publishDate 2010
url http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199583430.003.0010
https://academic.oup.com/book/27427/chapter/197288075
genre aleut
eskimo*
Eskimo–Aleut
greenlandic
genre_facet aleut
eskimo*
Eskimo–Aleut
greenlandic
op_source Language Change and Linguistic Theory, Volume II
page 230-266
ISBN 0199583439 9780199583430 9780191595288
op_doi https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199583430.003.0010
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