The Extension of Dependency Beyond the Sentence

This article examines several grammatical developments that have received relatively little attention, but that may be more pervasive than previously recognized. They involve the functional extension of markers of grammatical dependency from sentence-level syntax into larger discourse and pragmatic...

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Published in:Language
Main Author: Mithun, Marianne
Format: Article in Journal/Newspaper
Language:English
Published: Project MUSE 2008
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Online Access:http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2008.0054
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spelling crjohnshopkinsun:10.1353/lan.2008.0054 2024-09-15T18:41:05+00:00 The Extension of Dependency Beyond the Sentence Mithun, Marianne 2008 http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2008.0054 en eng Project MUSE Language volume 84, issue 1, page 69-119 ISSN 1535-0665 journal-article 2008 crjohnshopkinsun https://doi.org/10.1353/lan.2008.0054 2024-07-25T04:14:58Z This article examines several grammatical developments that have received relatively little attention, but that may be more pervasive than previously recognized. They involve the functional extension of markers of grammatical dependency from sentence-level syntax into larger discourse and pragmatic domains. Such developments are first illustrated with material from Navajo and Central Alaskan Yup'ik, then surveyed more briefly in several other unrelated languages. In some cases, secondary effects of such changes can reshape basic clause structure. An awareness of these processes can accordingly aid in understandingcertain recurringbut hitherto unexplained arrays of basic morphological and syntactic patterns, exemplified here with cases of homophonous grammatical markers and of ergative/accusative splits. Like developments described by Gildea (1997, 1998) and Evans (2007), they involve the use of dependent clauses as independent sentences, but the processes described here differ from those in both the mechanisms at work and their results. Article in Journal/Newspaper Yup'ik Johns Hopkins University Press Language 84 1 69 119
institution Open Polar
collection Johns Hopkins University Press
op_collection_id crjohnshopkinsun
language English
description This article examines several grammatical developments that have received relatively little attention, but that may be more pervasive than previously recognized. They involve the functional extension of markers of grammatical dependency from sentence-level syntax into larger discourse and pragmatic domains. Such developments are first illustrated with material from Navajo and Central Alaskan Yup'ik, then surveyed more briefly in several other unrelated languages. In some cases, secondary effects of such changes can reshape basic clause structure. An awareness of these processes can accordingly aid in understandingcertain recurringbut hitherto unexplained arrays of basic morphological and syntactic patterns, exemplified here with cases of homophonous grammatical markers and of ergative/accusative splits. Like developments described by Gildea (1997, 1998) and Evans (2007), they involve the use of dependent clauses as independent sentences, but the processes described here differ from those in both the mechanisms at work and their results.
format Article in Journal/Newspaper
author Mithun, Marianne
spellingShingle Mithun, Marianne
The Extension of Dependency Beyond the Sentence
author_facet Mithun, Marianne
author_sort Mithun, Marianne
title The Extension of Dependency Beyond the Sentence
title_short The Extension of Dependency Beyond the Sentence
title_full The Extension of Dependency Beyond the Sentence
title_fullStr The Extension of Dependency Beyond the Sentence
title_full_unstemmed The Extension of Dependency Beyond the Sentence
title_sort extension of dependency beyond the sentence
publisher Project MUSE
publishDate 2008
url http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2008.0054
genre Yup'ik
genre_facet Yup'ik
op_source Language
volume 84, issue 1, page 69-119
ISSN 1535-0665
op_doi https://doi.org/10.1353/lan.2008.0054
container_title Language
container_volume 84
container_issue 1
container_start_page 69
op_container_end_page 119
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