A Note on Phonological Change in Ojibwa

In the course of his discussion of the relative merits of transformational generative phonology (TGP) and natural generative phonology (NGP), Piggott (1980) introduces as evidence in favour of TGP two phonological changes that took place between Proto-Algonquian and Ojibwa in the following chronolog...

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Published in:Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique
Main Author: Cowan, William
Format: Article in Journal/Newspaper
Language:English
Published: Cambridge University Press (CUP) 1982
Subjects:
Online Access:http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100023604
https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/S0008413100023604
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spelling crcambridgeupr:10.1017/s0008413100023604 2024-03-03T08:36:29+00:00 A Note on Phonological Change in Ojibwa Cowan, William 1982 http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100023604 https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/S0008413100023604 en eng Cambridge University Press (CUP) https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique volume 27, issue 1, page 41-46 ISSN 0008-4131 1710-1115 Linguistics and Language Language and Linguistics journal-article 1982 crcambridgeupr https://doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100023604 2024-02-08T08:43:24Z In the course of his discussion of the relative merits of transformational generative phonology (TGP) and natural generative phonology (NGP), Piggott (1980) introduces as evidence in favour of TGP two phonological changes that took place between Proto-Algonquian and Ojibwa in the following chronological order.: (1) final lax vowel deletion, and (2) the deletion of resulting word-final glides *-w and *-y . By change (1), Proto-Algonquian *elenyiw-a ‘man’ mutatis mutandis became *i/iniw , and by change (2), *iliniw became *i/ini , modern Algonquin dialect of Ojibwa anini . Much of Piggott’s argumentation in favour of TGP rests on certain types of exceptions to these historical processes. In the first type, a Proto-Algonquian form *ne-wi-nteko-wi l ‘I am a Windigo [cannibal monster],’ and other verb forms of similar morphemic constituency, underwent final lax vowel deletion and became *ni-wīndigōw , but failed to undergo final glide deletion. This was because the final *-i , unlike the final *-a in *elenyiw-a , an inflectional suffix which does not occur anywhere in the paradigm of the modern word anini , was a derivational morpheme and part of the verb stem, and was retained in non-final position. There it stands in morphophonemic alternation with its own absence, as shown by forms such as ni-wīndigōwi-min < *ne-wi·nieko·wi-Hmena ‘we are Windigos.’ The underlying form of the singular verb is hence ni-wīndigōwi , and the fact that the surface word-final glide - w was not elided is adduced as evidence that the phonological change is better described in reference to the abstract, underlying form rather than the surface form. Since TGP can distinguish between underlying and surface word-final glides and NGP presumably cannot, Piggott claims that TGP can better characterize this change than can NGP. Article in Journal/Newspaper algonquin Cambridge University Press Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 27 1 41 46
institution Open Polar
collection Cambridge University Press
op_collection_id crcambridgeupr
language English
topic Linguistics and Language
Language and Linguistics
spellingShingle Linguistics and Language
Language and Linguistics
Cowan, William
A Note on Phonological Change in Ojibwa
topic_facet Linguistics and Language
Language and Linguistics
description In the course of his discussion of the relative merits of transformational generative phonology (TGP) and natural generative phonology (NGP), Piggott (1980) introduces as evidence in favour of TGP two phonological changes that took place between Proto-Algonquian and Ojibwa in the following chronological order.: (1) final lax vowel deletion, and (2) the deletion of resulting word-final glides *-w and *-y . By change (1), Proto-Algonquian *elenyiw-a ‘man’ mutatis mutandis became *i/iniw , and by change (2), *iliniw became *i/ini , modern Algonquin dialect of Ojibwa anini . Much of Piggott’s argumentation in favour of TGP rests on certain types of exceptions to these historical processes. In the first type, a Proto-Algonquian form *ne-wi-nteko-wi l ‘I am a Windigo [cannibal monster],’ and other verb forms of similar morphemic constituency, underwent final lax vowel deletion and became *ni-wīndigōw , but failed to undergo final glide deletion. This was because the final *-i , unlike the final *-a in *elenyiw-a , an inflectional suffix which does not occur anywhere in the paradigm of the modern word anini , was a derivational morpheme and part of the verb stem, and was retained in non-final position. There it stands in morphophonemic alternation with its own absence, as shown by forms such as ni-wīndigōwi-min < *ne-wi·nieko·wi-Hmena ‘we are Windigos.’ The underlying form of the singular verb is hence ni-wīndigōwi , and the fact that the surface word-final glide - w was not elided is adduced as evidence that the phonological change is better described in reference to the abstract, underlying form rather than the surface form. Since TGP can distinguish between underlying and surface word-final glides and NGP presumably cannot, Piggott claims that TGP can better characterize this change than can NGP.
format Article in Journal/Newspaper
author Cowan, William
author_facet Cowan, William
author_sort Cowan, William
title A Note on Phonological Change in Ojibwa
title_short A Note on Phonological Change in Ojibwa
title_full A Note on Phonological Change in Ojibwa
title_fullStr A Note on Phonological Change in Ojibwa
title_full_unstemmed A Note on Phonological Change in Ojibwa
title_sort note on phonological change in ojibwa
publisher Cambridge University Press (CUP)
publishDate 1982
url http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100023604
https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/S0008413100023604
genre algonquin
genre_facet algonquin
op_source Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique
volume 27, issue 1, page 41-46
ISSN 0008-4131 1710-1115
op_rights https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms
op_doi https://doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100023604
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